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I would note that in 1935-37 the British had nothing larger than a 500lb bomb. They just preferred to lay out their bombs horizontally (including spreading them out into wing bomb bays) rather than stack them vertically. The British were certainly NOT planning on fitting large bombs inside the bomb bays at this time.Spar would've probably remained as-is, since USAAC in the 1930s didn't have the huge bombs in their inventory.
If having the powerful escort was in the doctrine, there would be probably a more modest defensive firepower installed, talk half a dozen of LMGs initially, to be later replaced with 5-6 HMGs?
And the Short Stirling.Just my 2c :
- The Lancaster was complemented by the Halifax.
tomo pauk, that's a very fair assessment, especially regarding the spar!Spar would've probably remained as-is, since USAAC in the 1930s didn't have the huge bombs in their inventory.
If having the powerful escort was in the doctrine, there would be probably a more modest defensive firepower installed, talk half a dozen of LMGs initially, to be later replaced with 5-6 HMGs?
That's a perfect historical check on the feasibility of changing designs mid-war.Regarding the comment why the USAAF didn't build larger, better bombers, the design of the B-36 began 1941 but was not on a fast track because of existing production disruption. The XB-36 first flight was 1946. A five year span from designs to prototype for an intercontinental bomber intended to bomb Europe from the U.S.
Yeah, the Grand Slam (in)suitability is a red herring.you're probably right that the central spar was more of a pure structural mandate based on 1930s engineering needs and standard ordnance, totally separate from later grand slam requirements. i appreciate the correction—it makes sense that they wouldn't design against bombs that didn't exist yet.
however, your point about defensive firepower is the real key here. if they had opted for just six hmgs instead of 13, that would have immediately freed up significant weight (guns, ammo, armor plates for the gunners) that could have been directly translated into more fuel for deeper range, or, yes, more payload capacity for standard bombs.
IMO:the fundamental design mistake, then, wasn't necessarily the spar, but the massive weight penalty taken in the defense systems, driven by a doctrine that ultimately failed (requiring the p-51 to save the day). this focus on defense trade-offs is also what the video i linked at the beginning addresses when contrasting the two bomber designs.
Yeah, the Grand Slam (in)suitability is a red herring.
Indeed. Because using "standing patrols" was wasteful (expensive) to the point of being unsustainable, and because the "sky" is so huge, the "bombers will always get through" was the generally accepted paradigm in the 1930's. Radar eliminated the need for standing patrols and made fighter defense a workable and effective strategy. Up to a point. The paradigm was changed to: some bombers will always get through but the attrition from fighter defense MIGHT eventually cause the enemy to cease bombing in daylight. Worked in the BoB.Rarely mentioned in the discussions is the effect of RADAR, when bomber theories were being made RADAR didnt exist at all, in a few years it changed everything.
- that video is made more for the clicks and revenue, rather than as a fair historical assessment
HiThe B-17 is going to get more clicks but from a stand point of time the B-24 was closer in timing to the Lancaster.
And going back to design vs use, The British were a bit late introducing bombs of over 500lbs. So they needed big bomb bays to hold lots of smaller bombs.
They lucked out in that they could stick the big "cookies" in the existing bays with only small (or not so small) modifications and still have room for other bombs or large numberso f incendiaries. But the incendiary bundles were not part of the original specifications either.
B-17 and B-24 were built for longer ranges (Pacific Islands?) and flying around the coasts of the US rather than European distances.
What was non negotiable at the time was the USAAF August 1934 specification of 2,000 miles with 2,000 pounds of bombs at 200 mph, while having engines rated at 850 HP for take off, that meant lifting 1,700 gallons of non 100 Octane into the air plus crew plus bombs, apart from its extra energy 100 Octane was about 5% lighter than 80 Octane. So the B-17 design set maximum bomb load at 4,800 pounds (8x600 pound). This would give twice the load and range of the 1936 B-10B cruising at about the B-10B top speed. The B-17 would have 5 defensive machine guns, the B-10 had 3, the B-17 having been dubbed the Flying Fortress in July 1935. The USAAF went with the B-18 as its 1937/38 bomber, performance about that of the B-10 but carrying up to nearly 3 times the bomb load (not all internal), with maximum bombs its range started to look much more like that of the P-36. The B-18 was about half the price of the B-17 and gave way to the better B-18A end 1938.That point about the design era is absolutely crucial, and I think it perfectly highlights the constraints the B-17 designers faced. You're right—it was essentially a pre-war design built for a theoretical mission (patrol/defense), which meant structural integrity (like that central spar) was probably non-negotiable at the time.
It was not battlefield necessity. In the second half of the 1930's the RAF had a clear target and was well aware heavy bombers were the most economical per ton of bombs delivered. The result was a series of designs, initially in the hope of 2,000 HP class engines but reverting to 4 engines in the 1,000 HP class. 1941 Normal Bomb Load, Halifax I 12,000 pounds, Manchester I, 10,350 pounds, Stirling I 14,000 pounds. Since it was assumed they could not base a large bomber force in France ranges were set from British bases, with various ideas about whether the Netherlands and Belgium would be neutral, those who believed in air power could see great advantages of keeping them and Denmark neutral in shielding Britain and Germany from each other.The Lancaster, conversely, was a direct product of battlefield necessity and the realization that the initial designs needed much bigger payloads for area bombing. It's a perfect example of design evolution in wartime.
If you wish to keep claiming the B-17 was more survivable consider a greater percentage of 8th Air Force B-24 losses on combat missions were Category E, that is they made it back to base, whether that is due to the B-24 being more able to take more battle damage and keep flying or more likely to take more damage in a crash landing or crash on landing is another matter.It makes me wonder: do you think the USAAF should have been faster to adapt its heavy bomber design once the war showed them the B-17's structural limits on specialized ordnance? Or was the sheer number of B-17s produced (and their survivability) a better strategic asset than starting a new design like the Lancaster?
No. For a start every defensive measure cuts into the offensive ones and the bomber defensive measure that worked was fighter escorts. In the January to May 1944 fighting, Luftwaffe versus 8th Air Force it looks like the Luftwaffe broke about even in terms of numbers of aircraft lost, they easily won on economic cost as a heavy bomber was worth about 3.5 fighters, and overwhelmingly won in terms of personnel casualties. Now run that again with the 8th Air force consistently using self defending bombers, say with tripe or quadruple power operated turrets to up defensive power with corresponding decreases in bomb loads. It took about 12 months to create a bomber group, the 1944 air commanders had to make things work with aircraft put into production well before what was actually required was known.On your counterpoint about the combat box not being sustainable: You're absolutely correct about the brutal losses in '43. But doesn't that reinforce the pragmatism of the B-17's heavy defensive focus, even if it wasn't a perfect strategy?
This starts to sound like working backwards to a conclusion. The 8th Air force from near the start of operations on Germany was taking unsustainable losses and they were trending upwards through 1943, losses to targets in France were lower but also trending up and heading to unsustainable. Meantime the USAAF heavies in the MTO were usually staying within escort range. Part of the cost from moving from the B-17C and D to the G was a loss of around 40mph in top and therefore cruising speed.If the USAAF was committed to daylight precision bombing, they had to double down on defense, even if it meant structural compromises on payload (the spar) and heavy crew losses. They chose to survive the mission, even if they couldn't carry the Grand Slam.
Flaming Wellingtons and other RAF bombers in 1939, Luftwaffe during the Battle of Britain largely removed the self defending bomber ideas there and then. The USAAF did assume more defensive firepower, tighter formations, higher and faster flying would mean fewer losses to interceptors, all of which is correct, another assumption was overwhelming the defences, the number of 300 heavy bombers became fixed even as known Luftwaffe fighter strength increased. The everything that can fly mission on 24 December 1944 aw 2,046 sorties, 1,884 effective, 12 aircraft MIA, 23 category E, or about half the famed 1943 raid losses. The Luftwaffe would have needed to shoot down around 100 bombers to make the loss rate unsustainable.You've hit on something really important: static threat assessment in design is a killer. It's an almost unforgivable flaw for planners to assume the Luftwaffe would stand still for 2+ years. The rapid introduction of things like the Fw 190 and heavy cannon packs (which you mentioned) fundamentally invalidated the "self-defending bomber" concept almost immediately.
In an organisation as big as an air force you can usually find a memo that accurately predicts the future, but usually never written by the same person twice. That memo comes with lots of wrong predictions by other writers.As a designer, this is the core failure: if the USAAF had predicted the actual threat level, would they have focused less heavily on cramming in all those .50-cals and that structural spar, and instead gone for a design with more flexibility for specialized ordnance?
The short answer is no, the Lancaster ended up with more design features that proved to be a good choice compared with the B-17. The British armoured carriers had remarkable defensive capacities, no British carrier burned like some IJN and USN ones did, Kamikaze hits on the Illustrious class were generally shrugged off with many fewer casualties than USN carriers took, but the price was an air group significantly smaller than a US design of the same tonnage and unable to sustain operations for as long. That was the trade off.The B-17 was designed for the expected war, but the Lancaster was adapted for the actual war. That distinction, I think, is what made the difference in payload capacity. Great perspective!
By definition knowing the answer makes the problem easy. A bomb bay capable of 4,000 pound bombs and total HE load more like the B-17 total AP load weight wise. A day bomber needs defensive power, say 4 twin power operated turrets, less if you increase the escorts, losing 5 0.50 inch machine guns plus mounts plus a pair of gunners plus ammunition is over 1,000 pounds. It looks like a twin 0.50 inch gun turret on a heavy bomber was about as lethal to a fighter with 20mm cannon as the fighter was to the heavy bomber in a straight shooting match.If the USAAF had acknowledged the need for long-range escort from the beginning, do you think they would have still committed so much design weight and internal space to the 13 machine guns and the spar that limited bomb size? Or would they have stripped down the defense, focused on speed/payload, and relied more on the escort, moving the design closer to the Lancaster's philosophy?
No. The bomb bay area is the strongest and generally central part of the airframe, it is not easy to make changes to the area. What happened reflects the original design decisions backed by expected tactics, the prewar RAF expected its power operated turret carrying bombers to be self defending as did the US, while the Luftwaffe went more with low interception and loss rates from the Spanish civil war. The Manchester to Lancaster change was minimal, it meant almost no loss of production, helped by making the decision early, while the 2 open lines were still working towards maximum output.this actually reinforces the difference between the us and uk solutions:
- the us solution was to stick with the b-17 (and later b-29) until a completely new bomber (b-36) could be developed after the war's peak.
- the uk's solution (the lancaster) was to adapt an existing airframe (the manchester) into something radically different and more capable during the war, minimizing production downtime.
The USAAF went with the B-29 as the next generation bomber, it could carry larger bombs and despite the average sortie distances carried more bombs on average than the Lancaster, the B-36 was more about what if Britain is lost.from a design and manufacturing perspective, the british were much more agile in finding a way to meet the specialized need (grand slam) without requiring the massive, long-term disruption of a b-36-style project. that adaptability is exactly what the b-17's rigid structural spar prevented. thanks for the crucial context!
Lancaster MK I carried Ten .303 guns which are much lighter but they used 4 power turrets. One quad and 3 twins. Weight of the power turrets?
Thank youfront FN5: 670 lb
mid-upper FN50: 700 lb
under FN64: 300 lb
rear FN20: 1350 lb
w/ turret, guns, and ammo.
Couldn't get everything from a single concise source -- so the measuring criteria might be different for each.
| Fixed | Removable | Note |
261 | 179 | Front turret (FN.5A) Guns and ammunition (2,000 rounds) |
320 | 179 | Mid Upper turret (FN.7) Guns and ammunition (2,000 rounds) |
370 | 490 | Rear turret (FN.20) Guns and ammunition (6,000 rounds) |
240 | Turret hydraulic systems | |
105 | Ammunition boxes, tracks and mountings for rear turret | |
385 | 6 | Fixed bomb gear and fusing gear |
20 | 38 | Bomb sighting and mounting |
49 | 245 | Pyrotechnics, pistol, distress signals, training and reconnaissance flares and mountings etc. |
740 | 5 | Electrics, including generators and accumulators |
203 | 90 | Instruments, engine, flying and navigational, including 6 sea markers and dead reckoning compass |
8 | 39 | F.24 Camera |
109 | 233 | Oxygen equipment (16 bottles) |
97 | Automatic controls | |
35 | 54 | Dinghy |
145 | 94 | Miscellaneous, including fire extinguishers, safety belts, rations, water bottles and mountings. |
91 | 142 | Wireless Telegraphy, Direction Finding and power supply |
25 | 5 | Intercommunication |
7 | 28 | Pilots TR9F radio |
35 | 40 | Lorenz blind approach |
15 | 33 | R.3003 |
230 | De icing equipment, tail and airscrews | |
120 | Anti barrage equipment | |
300 | Armour plating | |
3,910 | 1,900 | Total weight, fixed and removable military loads |
| Merlin XX | Hercules VI | Twin Wasp S3C4-G | |
5,200 | 5,900 | 4,800 | Take off power, BHP |
5,720 | 7,460 | 5,940 | Engines - dry |
9 | 10 | 10 | Air compressors |
66 | 172 | 172 | Electric starters |
10 | Hand turning gear | ||
31 | 29 | 29 | Constant speed governor unit |
16 | 16 | 16 | Vacuum pumps |
168 | 120 | 113 | Air intakes, hot and cold |
70 | Auxiliary gear boxes | ||
328 | 440 | 400 | Engine mountings |
228 | 588 | 500 | Exhausts |
1,282 | Cooling system and coolant | ||
182 | 260 | 220 | Oil coolers and mounting |
130 | 130 | 130 | Oil system, pipes, filters etc. |
210 | 210 | 210 | Fuel system, pipes, filters etc. |
200 | 200 | 200 | Engine controls |
1,480 | 1,480 | 1,440 | Airscrews (Rotol) |
140 | 160 | 140 | Fireproof bulkheads |
520 | 360 | 340 | Engine cowling |
160 | 140 | Additional cowling behind engines | |
220 | 200 | Cooling gills and mechanism | |
10,720 | 12,085 | 10,200 | Total engine and airscrew weight |
300 | 315 | 265 | Maximum level speed mph |
21,000 | 17,500 | 13,100 | At altitude, feet |
260 | 270 | 217 | Cruising speed, maximum economic power - weak mixture |
21,000 | 21,500 | 17,000 | At altitude, feet |
16 | 16 | 24 | Time to climb to 15,00 feet, minutes |
25,800 | 23,800 | 17,100 | Service ceiling, feet |
250 | 270 | 230 | Maximum level speed mph |
12,250 | 17,500 | 5,000 | At altitude, feet |
205 | 218 | Cruising speed, maximum economic power - weak mixture | |
13,800 | 14,000 | At altitude, feet | |
20,300 | 18,100 | 12,000 | Service ceiling, feet |
180 | 216 | 170 | Maximum level speed mph |
12,250 | 7,500 | 5,000 | At altitude, feet |
54,500 | 57,500 | 51,500 | Maximum gross weight at which level flight can be maintained, continuous cruising power on rich mixture. |
5,000 | 5,000 | 5,000 | At altitude, feet |
| Merlin XX | Hercules VI | Twin Wasp S3C4-G | |
18,700 | 18,700 | 18,700 | Structure weight: wings, fuselage, tail, undercarriage, fuel tanks, engine sub mountings, nacelle fairings, general hydraulics, flying controls. |
10,720 | 12,085 | 10,200 | Power plant weight |
29,420 | 30,785 | 28,900 | Empty weight sub total |
3,910 | 3,910 | 3,910 | Fixed military load and armour |
1,900 | 1,900 | 1,900 | Removable military load |
1,200 | 1,200 | 1,200 | 6 Crew and parachutes |
36,430 | 37,795 | 35,910 | Weight less fuel, oil and bombs sub total |
23,570 | 23,570 | 23,570 | Fuel, oil, bombs |
60,000 | 61,365 | 59,480 | Gross weight |
| Feet | Inches | ||
102 | 0 | Wing span | |
69 | 4 | Overall length - tail up | |
68 | 10 | Overall length - tail down | |
19 | 3 | Overall height - tail up | |
19 | 6 | Overall height - tail down | |
8.02 | Wing aspect ratio | ||
102 | 0 | Wing span | |
16 | 0 | Root chord | |
12 | 8.6 | Mean chord (Geometric) | |
4 | Wing incidence, degrees | ||
7 | Wing dihedral - outer wing, degrees | ||
45 | 7 | Span of wing fitted with flaps | |
18 | 0 | Span of Ailerons (one) | |
23 | 9 | Undercarriage track | |
33 | 0 | Tail plane span | |
8 | 6.5 | Tail root chord | |
12 | 2 | Height of end pin and rudder |
| Sq Feet | ||
1297 | Gross wing area including ailerons | |
1205 | Nett wing area including ailerons | |
90.3 | Aileron Area (total) | |
146.3 | Flap Area (total) | |
237.2 | Tail plane and elevator area (gross) | |
87.5 | Elevator area including balance and trimmers | |
29.53 | Percentage balance area | |
4.22 | Area of elevator servo trimmers | |
2.85 | Area of elevator adjustable trimmers | |
111.6 | Area of end fins and rudders | |
72.4 | Area of end fins | |
39.2 | Area of rudders including balance and trimmers | |
18.2 | Percentage balance area | |
2.21 | Area of rudder trimmers | |
0.533 | Control volume: Tail plane and elevator | |
0.624 | Control volume: Fin and rudder | |
0.033 | Control volume: Aileron |
| Month | Jan-42 | Sep-42 | Nov-42 | May-44 | Early 1945 |
| Mark | I | II | I | I & III | I & III Overload |
| Structure | 17,064 | 17,064 | 17,776 | 18,033 | 17,633 |
| Power plants | 10,720 | 12,335 | 11,304 | 11,610 | 11,610 |
| Fuel and oil tanks | 1,796 | 1,796 | 1,990 | 1,999 | 1,999 |
| Empty weight | 29,580 | 31,195 | 31,070 | 31,642 | 31,242 |
| Fixed military load | 4,120 | 4,120 | 4,334 | 5,169 | 4,589 |
| Tare weight | 33,700 | 35,315 | 35,404 | 36,811 | 35,831 |
| load | 26,300 | 24,685 | 27,596 | 28,189 | 36,169 |
| Gross Weight | 60,000 | 60,000 | 63,000 | 65,000 | 72,000 |
| take off power bhp | 5,120 | 6,200 | 5,120 | 6,440 | 6,440 |
| Wing load lb/sq ft | 46.26 | 46.26 | 48.57 | 50.12 | 55.51 |
| Span load lb/sq ft | 5.77 | 5.77 | 6.06 | 6.25 | 6.92 |
| Power load lb/bhp | 11.72 | 9.68 | 12.30 | 10.09 | 11.18 |
| At 50,000 lb | At 60,000 lb | Flight Cases |
5.7 | 4.75 | 1. Normal horizontal flight C.P Forward |
4.0 | 3.5 | 2. Normal horizontal flight C.P back |
2.0 | 2.0 | 3. Steady diving flaps up at 400 m.p.h. |
2.0 | 2.0 | 4. Steady diving flaps down at 200 m.p.h. |