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What about (revisionist history in 3, 2, 1...) the Spitfire Mk.III? With its improved drag characteristics, could it have been saddled effectively with extra fuel, with a corresponding increase in combat radius?
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That's ultimate load?I believe there is another thread (at least one) on this article. Basically they make some poor assumptions and/or the Spitfire is going to need more modifications than they think.
Just like the P-51 was only an 8 G rated fighter at 8,000lbs and a 7.1 G fighter at 9000lbs.
From what I remember it's max load was around 9-10.5g right?A Spitfire carrying an extra 100 gallons internal is going to be 10% over weight (or have it's G load rating reduced by 10%)
Were they escorted by other fighters due to this limit? Also, how fast did they cruise?Photo Recon Spits did carry large fuel loads, they also ditched the guns, had sometimes squirrely handling and were restricted in flight maneuvers until a lot of the fuel was burned off, not exactly what you want in your escort fighters.
Approx 50% of Spitfire Mk XIVs carried a camera. They weren't supposed to fight just equipped to get out of a place the enemy didnt want them to see.No idea about the cruising speed for PR Spitfires but they were never escorted by fighters. They were "alone, unarmed and unafraid"...ok, perhaps not the latter.
That's ultimate load?
From what I remember it's max load was around 9-10.5g right?
Actually on the P-51Ds they preferred to keep 25-35 gallons in the rear tank. The Americans still used the rear tanks post war and into the 50s. The British wired the fuel fillers shut in peace time and you needed written orders from the squadron commander to unseal the tank/s and fill them. Again, different rules or perhaps the two planes didn't really respond the same to large amounts of fuel behind the pilot.As for the issues with the center-of-gravity, that was an issue that affected the P-51's as well, but they were willing to put up with it anyway -- the problem went away once the tanks were drained.
How much did the Spitfire VII/VIII/IX range increase with the Merlin 60's?
AS answered above these were solitary missions.Were they escorted by other fighters due to this limit? Also, how fast did they cruise?
Thank you for posting the excerpts. From them we can concude that a): escort fighter was not being equaly discarded by all members of brass, and b): that people in charge never actually tested whether escort fighter works or not. That leads us to c): decision to not to proceed with escort fighter project was based on 'I feel' rather on 'it is fact, borne out from tests'.
Seems like we also don't have d): results of tests of RAF fighters and whole FC (including GCI) ability to intercept RAF bombers in second part of 1930s.
I think you're being a tad harsh there, Stona, because you're assuming that all bombers are created equal. In 1938 the RAF was (AFAIK) the only air force that was equipping its bombers with power-operated turrets, and the Wellington carried a far greater weight of bombs than any other German bomber. If RAF senior leadership believed that power turrets enabled their bombers to better survive attacks by defensive fighters, and if RAF bombers could deliver a more powerful punch per-aircraft, then it's perhaps not surprising that this contradiction in RAF strategy might occur.
That said, I do agree that there was a lack of truly objective critical thinking...but the RAF wasn't alone in that. The Luftwaffe and the USAAF equally suffered their fair share of mis-steps from 1935 thru 1945.
Arguably, the true shortfall was in accurately understanding the limits of air power. The "shock and awe" of Guernica seemed to point the way to a future where entire cities could be cowed by aerial attack. The reality is that, until the advent of the atomic bomb, air power alone could not subdue a city entirely. It could disrupt factories but it never resulted in the mass breakdown of morale that Guernica seemed to presage.
You could say that planes like the Typhoon and P-47 were twin engine fighters but with one propeller. They were the cost weight and complexity of earlier twins. Both the Vulture and Sabre engines were two engines joined together in some way.Point is that even the Japanese, while working on the Ki-43, didn't believe the single engine, single seat fighter was the answer to the long range escort problem.
I think you're being a tad harsh there, Stona,
You're applying the retrospectroscope again by discussing what actually happened after the outbreak of war. My observation is that the apparent contradiction in RAF thinking that RAF fighters would succeed in defending against enemy bombers while our bombers would, somehow, get through to the target and succeed. My contention is that the perceived (or, perhaps, over-confidence in) technological superiority of the RAF (power turrets, ground-based radar warning, fighter control organization etc) may have led to the type of pre-war thinking you describe. Rather than blame the pre-war planners for having insufficiently attuned crystal balls, I'm trying to understand why they failed to comprehend the reasons for the contradiction in strategic thought.
The pre-war British air planners lacked intelligence and information about the purpose of the Luftwaffe and about aircraft performance, guns and bombsights. They simply assumed that its role would not be very much different to the role they envisioned for the RAF. Their was a near panic during the Munich crisis, as war became inevitable. The British were really worried about a massive German air strike aimed at producing a quick British surrender. They were still worried that the Luftwaffe's bombers would get through, and assumed that their own would, despite the simultaneous hope that Fighter Command could somehow prevent the Germans. There is no evidence anywhere that I have seen that shows the British distinguishing between their bombers and others.
British defence was really predicated on the counter offensive. A highly influential paper by the Joint Planning Committee in 1936, which was heavily influenced by the Air Ministry's representative, a certain Group Captain Arthur Harris, summed it up. The committee supposed that the Germans would launch unrestricted attacks on Britain to persuade the population that "surrender was preferable to the continuation of the attacks". The working classes were considered particularly likely to be unsteady in the face of a German onslaught. The committee accepted that defensive measures might mitigate the effects of such an attack but admitted that "they had been unable to discover any method of direct defence sufficiently effective to guarantee the security of objectives in the country", believing that "the only real answer lies in a counter offensive of at least similar effectiveness". RAF air planners 'mirror imaged' assumptions about the Luftwaffe's likely role in wartime. As Wesley Wark wrote, "Nothing distilled from the sources that became available in 1937 challenged the Air Ministry's preconceptions about the Luftwaffe's strategic air mission. The picture indicated instead that the German air force would have both an army support and a strategic bombing role. On this basis, a German knock-out blow could not be discounted."
Bomber Command was utterly incapable of delivering such a counter offensive in 1936 and equally incapable in 1939. The entire premise of Britain's air defence was very nearly built on a fallacy. In fact it was the ability to prevent the bombers from getting through, fortuitously and unintentionally aided by the economic consequences of the Inskip report (which gave some members of the Air Council apoplexy) that would save the day. The Air Ministry and RAF deluded themselves throughout the 1930s and continued to do so after war was declared. They did it, and argued it in government and in public, for selfish reasons, principally the preservation of the RAF as an independent service. They believed that their bombers would get through not because of some notion of their superior armament, or any other technical advantage, but because they had to believe it. If they didn't, then what was the point of the RAF?
Cheers
Steve
Fair enough but what then of the USAAF which wasn't an independent air force but wore similar blinkers when it came to strategic bombing? Bottom line is that there isn't a single air force (independent or otherwise) that was accurately and adequately prepared for the Second World War. To single out the RAF in that regard still seems a little harsh. Yes, senior RAF officers were trying to justify the independence of the service...but how well prepared would Britain have been if the RAF was disbanded back into the RFC and RNAS? What chance the defence of Britain in 1940 under those circumstances?
To your point "The committee supposed that the Germans would launch unrestricted attacks on Britain to persuade the population that "surrender was preferable to the continuation of the attacks""...isn't that what happened? Both sides held off bombing civilian targets until the Luftwaffe accidentally bombed London (And why did that happen? Because the Germans weren't much (if any) better than the Brits at night-time navigation). Once the gloves came off, the effort expended by the Luftwaffe against British cities resulted in a considerable lessening of pressure on Fighter Command airfields and installations. However, the Luftwaffe was neither configured nor equipped for this strategic role. Ergo, it could be argued that the RAF did deliver on its strategic promise (your quote "the only real answer lies in a counter offensive of at least similar effectiveness".) it's just that the Luftwaffe attack wasn't particularly effective from a strategic perspective...and the RAF's response was equally ineffectual.
Fair enough but what then of the USAAF which wasn't an independent air force