Erich
the old Sage
plan it is in German, and I cannot seem to see the cover for some reason as a scan on the fourms.
the book might be worth it alone for the pics ......... ?
the book might be worth it alone for the pics ......... ?
Tank vs Tank
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schwarzpanzer
Senior Airman
- 662
- Aug 8, 2005
Is that due to you being en France D? 
Hope you haven't been burning any cars now.
Hope you haven't been burning any cars now.
Erich
the old Sage
this was copied from the on-line British 9th Royal Tank Regiment book which was cut up severly facing the 102nd W-SS Schwere Panzer Abteilung at Hill 122 in Normandie in July of 44, one of several British units trying to capture that terrible low angled hump, the scene of majore devastation to both British and their German counterparts.............dang what a mess. the first person accounts are quite gripping.
read this slowly
Pressure was kept up on the Germans at all points on the perimeter of the bridgehead, particularly at Carpiquet aerodrome and Caen.
On 4 July the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division, supported by the tanks of the Fort Garry Horse and Crocodiles of the 79th Armoured, attacked the village of Carpiquet and the aerodrome. These were defended by 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth) under the command of Kurt Meyer. Though very few in numbers, the teenagers of the Hitler Youth were aided by a few tanks and 88's, very effective artillery and mortar fire, and the fact that Meyer was able to tap into the Canadians radio transmissions. The Germans were forced out of Carpiquet, but not out of the aerodrome.
The next step for the Canadians and the British was a direct attack on Caen. At 2150 hrs on 7 July 2500 tons of bombs were dropped on the northern outskirts of Caen. At 0420 hours on 8 July 1 Corps launched the ground attack of Operation Charnwood, the capture of Caen. The 3rd British Infantry Division was on the left of the British advance, the 59th in the centre, and the 3rd Canadian Infantry were on the right, starting from where they were at Carpiquet. The attack had limited success, in that 1 Corps reached the line of the River Orne running through the centre of Caen, while the Germans pulled back into the industrial suburbs of Colombelles and Faubourg de Vaucelles.
The battle for Caen died down, but Montgomery needed to maintain pressure on the British front. The Americans had been attacking for a week and had made little progress. The 2nd SS Panzer Division, Das Reich, had been moved to the American sector, and Panzer Lehr was on its way.
Operation Jupiter, the plans for which had been drawn up some days before, had the strategic objective of bringing armour back to the British front, and the tactical objective of reaching the River Orne south of Caen. The specific objectives, shown in the map of Figure ____, were: on the right flank of the advance Hill 112; on the left flank of the advance Chateau de Fontaine, Eterville, Maltot, and exploitation to the Orne at Feuguerolles. The British troops taking part in Jupiter were: 43 (Wessex) Infantry Division, plus 46 (Highland) Brigade and a brigade of the 3rd Canadian Infantry division; tank support consisted of 31 Tank Brigade (7 RTR and 9 RTR), and 4 Armoured Brigade; artillery support was provided by the divisional artillery of 43 Wessex, 15 Scottish, 53 Welsh and 11 Armoured, as well as the heavier guns of two Army Groups Royal Artillery (AGRA's).
9 RTR in Operation Jupiter: before and during;
Extracts from the War Diary
Jul 2-7: The Battalion was concentrated north of Cheux and a recce was ordered in conjunction with 130 Brigade (43 Div) of the area Verson - Eterville - Maltot. The recce had two purposes:
to find a suitable route across country, including a crossing of the River Odon, so that tanks could reach the area Fontaine Etoupefour.
to discover suitable forming up points (FUP's) for all squadrons prior to an attack south-east from Fontaine Etoupefour.
No natural route was available, but with the Royal Engineers blasting trees, bull-dozing hedgerows, and fording the river, a route was made and marked.
All troop leaders went forward to know the location and nature of their respective FUP's, and then crawled forward to get a glimpse of the ground over which they might be attacking. During these recces it was possible to see the battle of Carpiquet aerodrome which the Canadians were still trying to capture.
With the recce complete the Battalion, less B Squadron, was ordered to rest and moved to south of Bronay. B Squadron moved to just north-east of Colleville with objects of counter-attacking any enemy advance from east or north-east and of blocking the Caen-Villers Bocage road.
Jul 7: B Squadron rejoined the Battalion and during the evening a heavy raid by 450 bombers on the area north of Caen was watched with a certain amount of excitement.
Jul 9: Reports showed that 1 Corps was breaking into Caen from the north and east. By 1800 hrs all Caen north of the River Orne had been captured; Carpiquet aerodrome and the road Verson-Caen were also reported clear. Operation Jupiter was now possible.
Plan 31 Tank Brigade in support 43 Division
Right – 7 RTR, less B Squadron, with 129 Brigade to attack and capture Hill 112
Left – 9 RTR with 130 Brigade to capture Chateau de Fontaine, Eterville and Maltot.
Phase 1 (9 RTR): B Squadron with 5 Dorsets to Chateau de Fontaine at H-hour
(0500 hrs)
Phase 2 C Squadron with 4 Dorsets to Eterville at H + 75 minutes.
Phase 3 A Squadron with 7 Hampshires to Maltot at H + 180 minutes.
Exploitation 4 Armoured Brigade to move to St. Martin 9760 and Feuguerolles
46 Brigade with B Squadron 7 RTR to advance north east towards Caen
At 2000 hours 9 Jul the Battalion moved to Forward Assembly Area (FAA) north-east of Colleville.
Jul 10: At 0300 hrs the Battalion moved to FUP area Fontaine-Etoupefour. The move was covered by artillery and no difficulties were encountered. Battalion HQ was established at Bas de Mouen, just north of the River Odon.
Phase 1
At 0500 hrs B Squadron advanced with 5 Dorsets and in 15 minutes Les Dauns had been taken and only machine-gun fire had been encountered. It was known that elements of 10 SS Panzer Division threatened the left flank and 12 Panthers were reported roaming in the area of Eterville. A troop of 17-pounder self-propelled anti-tank guns (SP's) took up positions to guard against this threat while B Squadron pushed on to the Chateau. Resistance was still confined to machine-gun fire and snipers, and soon 6, 7 and 8 Troops were working round the Chateau. By 0552 hrs the 5 Dorsets had captured their objective; one tank had been lost on the left flank due to anti-tank fire later discovered to have been a 75/55mm.
At 0614 the objective was reported secure with the infantry firmly established on the line of the road from Fontaine-Etoupefour to Maltot. About 30 prisoners had been taken, a number killed, and at least six machine-gun positions destroyed.
Phase 2
By 0635 hrs C Squadron were advancing to Eterville with 4 Dorsets. As their besa fire tore through the corn the Germans came forward with their hands up. Prisoners were identified as belonging to 1 and 2 Battalions of the 22nd Panzer Grenadier Regiment. As 4 Dorsets neared Eterville B Squadron moved up and gave added support from the right flank, destroying two anti-tank guns.
The threat from the left remained, but a further troop of 17-pounder SP's and 11 Troop of C Squadron were in good positions waiting for the first sign of enemy tanks. By 0735 hrs Eterville had been taken and B Squadron rallied north of Les Dauns. Heavy enemy Mortar fire was concentrated on Eterville.
Phase 3
At 0815 hrs A Squadron advanced between B and C Squadrons supporting 7 Hampshires in their attack on Maltot. B Squadron was in position to provide support from the right flank of A's attack. Up to now the whole attack had gone perfectly, but at 0835 hrs A Squadron was severely worried by anti-tank fire from 4 German SP's in the area of the orchards just north of Maltot. As soon as an artillery concentration was brought down in this area 8 Troop of B Squadron reported anti-tank fire from the reverse slopes of Hill 112 and that 2 tanks had been knocked out.
On the right of 9 RTR 7 RTR were attacking Hill 112 in support of 129 Brigade. They had made substantial progress, but at 0933 hrs a strong enemy counter-attack was made on Hill 112. 7 RTR suffered a number of casualties including their C.O., Lt-Col Gaisford, who lost an eye, and the 2 i/c Major Bob Fleming who was killed. The right flank of 9 RTR's advance was thus enfiladed, and anti-tank fire was also reported from the high ground dominating Maltot to the west of the River Orne. The impetus of the attack was failing – two Tigers were in Maltot making the advance of the infantry extremely difficult and A Squadron's movement was hampered by a troop of Tigers on the southern slope of Hill 112, firing north-east.
At 1156 hrs A Squadron were still struggling to support the infantry in Maltot who were now confronted with another Tiger. The German infantry were now counter-attacking and only nine tanks of A Squadron were left. Major Douglas Ballantine, OC A Squadron, dismounted in an attempt to make contact with the CO of the 7 Hampshires (Lt-Col DWG Ray), but was severely wounded by mortar fire and subsequently died.
By 1200 hrs 2 i/c A Squadron (Capt Bert Mockford) reported that he had only four tanks capable of fighting, and further reports stated that counter-attacks were being made with tanks and infantry from north-east and south-west of Maltot.
The Battalion was disposed as follows:
B Squadron and elements of A in hull down positions on spur south of Chateau de Fontaine with infantry and anti-tank guns dug in.
C Squadron had joined Battalion HQ in forward rally after release by 4 Dorsets. BHQ had been mortared and shelled periodically causing severe casualties among the wounded that had been brought in.
From 1300 - 1600 hrs there was a stale-mate, the enemy making no attempts to push their counter-attack any further. A new plan was devised whereby A Squadron 7 RTR (Major Dick Joscelyne) were to put the 5th Battalion Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry (5 DCLI) on Hill 112 and C Squadron 9 RTR to put 4 Dorsets into Maltot. B Squadron were to give support from the right in the opening phase. 4 Armoured Brigade were waiting to go through.
The advance began at 1640 hrs and despite anti-tank fire from south west of Maltot C Squadron had put the infantry into the village by 1700 hrs. But ten minutes later C Squadron were being shot at from the rear, for once again enemy tanks had infiltrated under cover of the spur north-east of Hill 112. Eight Tigers were also moving in on the left flank, and the infantry were pulling out of Maltot under pressure.
At 1935 hrs C Squadron was also forced to withdraw under the cover of supporting fire from B Squadron. Mortaring and shelling was almost continuous and at 2030 hrs all tanks rallied at the FUP; later they moved to join A Echelon north-east of Mouen to replenish and collect reinforcements.
During this day the battalion suffered 65 casualties (more than a quarter suffered in the entire NW Europe campaign), of whom 22 were killed, 34 wounded, and 9 taken prisoner. Sixteen tanks had been knocked out, of which six were recoverable.
From the ground and the other side of the hill
When the War Diary was written the diarist did not know exactly what was happening in the infantry brigades and the battalions that we were supporting. And it was not until after the war that we knew what the enemy was doing and suffering "on the other side of the hill". This is how it did seem:
From the ground
The 5th Dorsets under Lt-Col B.A. Coad (with B Squadron) had captured the Chateau de Fontaine and the farm nearby by 0615 hrs. Snipers fought it out to the end amongst the farm buildings, hayricks, high hedges and trees. The attack of the 4th Dorsets (Lt-Col H.E. Cowie) with C Squadron on Eterville went forward with great dash, and casualties at first were light. Seventy prisoners were taken and the battalion started to consolidate. A grim struggle for the far end of the village then developed, and enemy mortar and shell fire rained down. Casualties streamed into the regimental aid post (RAP), which soon overflowed with wounded who could not be evacuated; the only approach to the village for vehicles was a sunken lane which became blocked with blazing carriers, and no ambulance could reach the RAP. However, Eterville was held.
The 7th Hampshires (Lt-Col D.W.G. Ray) advanced through the gap between Eterville and Chateau de Fontaine and down towards the orchards and houses of Maltot in the hollow beyond. Intense fire from mortars and 88's came down on the advancing companies, but the battalion entered the village and reported that it was in their hands. In fact they had merely superimposed themselves on a very strongly defended enemy locality. Part of that strength consisted of Tiger tanks of the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, and amongst the houses and orchards companies fought independent actions against the tanks. The wireless truck at the Hampshires' BHQ received a direct hit, and communication with brigade was cut off.
It was not for some hours that the desperate position of the Hampshires was realized. During this time the 4th Dorsets in Eterville had been relieved by the 9th Cameronians, thus freeing 4 Dorsets for a further advance.
The plan to restore the situation at Maltot was for 4 Dorsets to advance to support 7 Hampshires. This they did, but the two leading companies, expecting to take over from the Hampshires in the village, advanced straight into the enemy position and were surrounded. Enemy tanks worked round to the rear of the remainder of the battalion, which lay out in the fields exposed to fire from every direction.
Meanwhile on the ridge to the north Col. Coad of 5 Dorsets had realized the seriousness of the situation in Maltot. He organized the defence of the reverse slope of the ridge, and was joined by 7 Somerset Light Infantry, 1 Worcesters, and the 17-pounders of 59 Anti-Tank Regiment. The gains of the morning were thus made secure.
The position of 4 Dorsets was now hopeless, and Col. Cowie was given permission to withdraw what remained of his battalion; five company commanders had been lost. The remnants withdrew up the slope to the ridge and collected in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine.
From the other side of the hill
The Germans defending the attacks of Operation Jupiter consisted of the 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth), 10 SS Panzer Division (Frundsberg), and the 9 SS Panzer Division (Hohenstaufen), which was being relieved by 277 Infantry Division. Fortunately for all of them, they had just been joined by the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, the Tiger battalion of II SS Panzer Corps. This battalion arrived at St. Martin, 3 km south of Maltot, at 0245 hrs on 10 July after eighteen days on the road from Holland.
The Tigers first moved up to the ridge close to Hill 112 and caused many casualties to 7 RTR, 4 Somersets, and 4 and 5 Wiltshires who were attacking the ridge at that point.
Later in the morning, at the time when the Hampshires and A Squadron attacked Maltot, the British progress was plotted by the commander of 10 SS Panzer Division. He brought down a heavy curtain of artillery and mortar fire to prevent the British from developing their attack on Hill 112, and at the same time sent forward the armoured battalion of 22 SS PGR and the 10th SS Recce Battalion with the Tigers of the 502 Battalion to counter-attack at Maltot.
During the whole day the Tigers were active around Hill 112 and Maltot. Their position just to the south of the 112 ridge enabled them to enfilade the attacks on Maltot, as well as any positions taken up by British troops south of the ridge in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine. And their presence in and around Maltot made that village an extremely difficult nut to crack.
Personal recollections of 10 July
This day was the worst day for the 9th in the whole campaign, and we incurred more than a quarter of all the casualties we sustained in NW Europe on that one day. And the severity, at 34% killed, was well above the normal ratio of killed to total casualties. How did the day seem to the individual? Not good, as the following accounts testify.
Battalion HQ: Capt. AEW (John) Hodges, Adjutant:
"Attack on Maltot area and pt 112. In the morning B Squadron attacked Chateau de Fontaine from just south of Verson. Attack was successful and was exploited to the high ground 500 yards beyond. C Squadron then attacked Eterville and all went well. About 1100 hours A Squadron formed up with 7th Hampshires to pass through these positions and capture Maltot. The tanks reached the orchards surrounding the village and the Infantry entered. At this stage everything seemed to go wrong. The tanks were caught in a murderous cross fire from beyond the river on their right and from woods and the reverse slope of 112, the latter being the objective of 7 RTR who failed to take it. Very heavy mortar fire came down and the inevitable counter attack with tanks came in. The Hampshires were reduced to company strength and at this stage only four tanks out of eighteen were left to fight. These joined up with B Squadron who succeeded in holding the general line chateau and Eterville. About 6pm C Squadron attacked Maltot with a fresh set of Infantry – as before the outskirts of the village were reached – but no further progress could be made.
This was a disastrous day for A Squadron. Young George Hendrie was killed early on. An 88mm shell struck the commander flap and decapitated him. The crew managed to bring the tank back to the start line and he was buried by the Padre together with an Infantry soldier under an elm tree near Verson at 965646. He was a very popular young officer and his death was a great shock to us all. Major Ballantine also died of wounds on this day. I heard his last message over the wireless saying, quite cheerfully, that his tank had been hit three times and that he was trying to get through the hedge into the orchard".
The story of Duggie Ballantine's death, as recounted by John, was given in the Overture to this history.
A Squadron
The 9th's total casualties on 10 July were 65; of these 41 were in A, 14 in B, 8 in C, and 2 in HQ. And of the 41 casualties in A, 16 were killed. Among those killed were the Squadron leader Duggie Ballantine, Troop Leader of 1 Troop, George Hendrie, and Troop Sergeant of 2 Troop, Jock Smith. Among the wounded were Capt. Ronnie Kirby, Lieut. Shep Douglas, Squadron Sergeant-Major Monty Bradley, and Sergeants Frank Quinn, Gray, and Nobbie Norman. It was a grievous blow. Ray Gordon's account of the deaths of Jock Smith, Bill Morris, Dickie Knight, and Jack Hutchinson, and his own wounding was also given in the Overture to this history.
Jim Hutton was George Hendrie's driver in 1 Troop.
"Anyway, getting away from there we moved on then to Maltot and I remember Sergeant Norman and his crew coming up on the A set and he called out that he was in trouble, that the Germans had surrounded him and he came on the air and said "What shall I do. I am surrounded by Germans", and somebody - some bright spark over the air called out "Stick your bloody hands up!" (chuckle). Anyway he was taken prisoner there and if you look in a book called "Hill 112" you will see that Sergeant Norman and his crew were taken prisoner by the German SS and there's quite a good picture of them being interrogated. The other thing was a bit hair raising; somebody came up on the air and called out, "To my left there are 50 Sherman tanks approaching, to my left." "Say again, over". "50 Sherman tanks". "Did you say Sherman or German?" (chuckle) and he said "Sherman". "Oh", he said "thank goodness for that".
The second part of Jim's recollections of that day are not nearly so cheerful:
"Now at Hill 112 I never forget on the Sunday Lieutenant Hendrie had his birthday. He was 21 on the Sunday and we all got drunk on Calvados had a good knees up and a good singsong and all that. Anyhow, Monday morning first light, we were briefed to go into Maltot towards our objective which was between C Squadron and B Squadron, A Squadron was to come through the middle and take a feature but we got hit so badly, I think out of 18 tanks there wasn't many, I think only 5 of us managed to make it. But we got hit on the turret and it hit dead centre of the turret ring and the main armament couldn't traverse and water in the canteen splashed all over the place because that's the side it came in. I felt this cold water over the back of my neck and I couldn't make out what it was but then the tank commander Lieutenant Hendrie called out "We'll carry on with the front machine gun" cause the main armament couldn't be traversed.
So we carried on firing the front machine gun and the next shot hit the cupola and took Lieutenant Hendrie's head - decapitated him and his body fell down into the turret. I felt warm liquid on the back of my neck, which I knew was blood and on turning around I spotted his body with no head and I didn't know whether the rest of the crew were alive or dead in the back. By this time I decided to swing left and swing right cause I knew they had got a beeline on us and they were out to destroy us so I swung hard left and then stopped; swung hard right and moved forward, swung left, right and done a complete swing around. We had a hit on the side, on the right-hand pannier door, my side, and it hit there and ricocheted off scooping about half the metal out and we swung around and we had another hit on the back which was on the louvres, on the metal chocolate bar on the louvre, nearly penetrated the petrol tanks but it managed to bounce off. Finally I did a complete turn, which I thought was a complete turn and we had one hit the back which hit the top of the gear box and ripped the top of the selectors off, the cover for the selectors. We managed to keep going and we drove for about a mile, a mile and a half and we stopped and we hadn't a clue where we were and Busty Cliff, that was my co-driver - Corporal Cliff - he said "Which way do we go now?"
So I looked at a compass, I said "Well if we go that way we are going north towards England so that's the way we want to go" and just as we were about to move we saw a column of tanks coming along a hedge with the rally flags flying and the guns traversed rear which was C Squadron was returning from an action, the same action and we managed to join in with them. We saw the OC and he said tag on the back and we'll take you back to your squadron. When we returned to the forward echelon Sergeant Major Bradley and a padre came over and asked us if we had any casualties and we said Yes, I think there's three in the turret; but on looking they found there was only one, Lieutenant Hendrie was dead and the other two were more or less dumbfounded, more or less just struck dumb and they managed to come out and we were all OK eventually. Sergeant Major Bradley said Get yourselves some tea and get some sleep and try and get over it which we did and that was quite an experience there. We found out that the squadron had taken a hell of a bashing. And I never forget Sergeant Major Bradley, he was a marvellous man. They got the webbing slings in the turret and managed to take Lieutenant Hendrie's body out and they buried him. That was quite an experience".
SSM Monty Bradley was remembered as a marvellous man by many people including Jim. Harry Hurt of 5 Troop recalls: "Nobby Clark of 5 Troop told me that Monty was wounded at Fontaine-Etoupefour on 10 July. Some wounded tank crew, of whom Nobby was one, were waiting at the FUP to be evacuated. A stonk came down, Monty threw himself on top of a tank crew member to protect him from further wounding, and was himself wounded as a result".
Bob Taylor was gunner to Cpl Fred Armstrong, Troop Corporal of 5 Troop commanded by Lieut. Gerry Wells. His tank started from the orchards around the Chateau de Fontaine.
"We left the orchard and proceeded across fields looking for enemy positions when we saw our Troop Sergeant Tony Griffith and his crew taking shelter at the rear of their tank, which had been knocked out by enemy fire. He signalled to us to give us some idea where the enemy were firing from. Vic Mills, our operator and loader shouted "Traverse Left". As I did I saw a flash from I presume a German 88mm and I fired at the flash. But we had been hit in the turret where the 2 inch smoke rounds were stored and in the next instant we were on fire, flames were coming up from the turret floor and I shouted to the crew to bail out.
The driver and co-driver got out OK, and Cpl Fred Armstrong, the Tank Commander got out suffering with burns to his face and hands. I proceeded to bail out, but my pistol lanyard got caught on the arm rest of the six pounder gun and in the process of getting my lanyard free the flames burnt my hands and face. Eventually I got out of the tank and joined the rest of the crew at the rear of the tank, as we were being machine gunned by the enemy. It was then I was told that Vic Mills, our operator, had been killed as the 88 shot had entered his side of the turret. The tank was well alight by now and there was nothing we could do as the ammo started to explode.
We waited for a while then we started to make our way back to the orchard, which meant that we had to cross a field of tall wheat or corn. We had to keep bobbing up and down to find our direction to the orchard, and to keep out of sight from the German infantry, as they were in the same field.
As we got near the road we came upon a wounded German soldier sitting against the hedge. When he saw us he lifted his rifle and pointed it as us so we pointed our pistols at him and he slung his rifle to one side and raised his hands in surrender.
But we were more concerned with getting treatment for our burns. We got back to the orchard and were given first aid, then Fred Armstrong and myself were taken to Bayeux and shipped to England for hospital treatment".
B Squadron
B Squadron moved off at 0500 hrs. Their first objective was Les Dauns and the final one the ridge just beyond the Chateau de Fontaine. John Powell was the wireless-op in the troop sergeant's tank of 7 Troop; his account starts after the end of the Epsom battles:
"The lull in operations lasted just a few days until we were told to prepare for the next action. Details are hazy but I remember moving up to the start line ready to support the Hampshires and Dorsets in their advance on Chateau de Fontaine and Maltot. As always we moved off at first light and fairly rapidly achieved our first objective, whatever that may have been.
All seemed quiet and we were awaiting our next move, feeling confident and probably slightly complacent at our initial success when the tank was hit in the engine compartment. The impact was unmistakable but not as horrifying or noisy as had previously been imagined. During the second or two that we were adjusting to this situation another round penetrated the left side of the turret, presumably igniting the ammo as the tank started to 'brew-up" immediately. An intercom. and visual check quickly revealed that tragically our greatly liked and respected young gunner, L/Cpl Johnny Foden, had taken the full force of the projectile and was beyond help. He must have perished mercifully quickly. The tank was now burning furiously and the rest of us needed to abandon ship smartly. Machine-gun rounds were striking the side of the turret so we waited for a lull, hoping that the machine-gunner would need to change belts. The remaining four of us jumped out. Our troop-leader's tank was nearby and, being pointed in the right direction towards our own lines, we started to trudge back. Tankies without their vehicles are a bit like shell-less tortoises on the battlefield and we felt strangely vulnerable.
The noise of battle sounded increasingly distant as we crossed the open Normandy fields. On our way we came across a young German infantryman, SS as I remember, who had a leg wound. On being offered a cigarette he showed what he thought of it all by spitting at us! A stretcher was found from somewhere by someone and we took turns at carrying the unhappy young man back with us.
Like I said, we were unused to being on a battlefield without inches of armour plate around us. Some mortar rounds or shells started whistling around and we dropped. Too late. When I returned to consciousness the others were getting up but I couldn't move. I tried to shout but only a whisper came out. The others noticed my plight and our sergeant examined me, turned me over and put a field dressing on my back. I couldn't feel my legs but was assured that they were still there. Someone went to get help while I was given a cigarette to keep me occupied. My very brief war was certainly over". John records what happened after that: "Flown back in a very bumpy Dakota for further attention to my spinal injuries, I spent months and months in hospital recovering some use of my legs. Eventually I was invalided out".
Peter Beale was commanding 8 Troop with Taffy Jones as his troop sergeant and Johnnie Walker as his troop corporal. They reached the objective beyond the Chateau de Fontaine without any difficulty, and waited there while C Squadron successfully attacked Eterville. When A Squadron began to experience difficulties in Maltot B Squadron moved a little further south over the ridge, with 8 Troop on the right flank. At this stage no one realized that 7 RTR's attack on Hill 112 had been repulsed by the Tigers of 502 SS Battalion, and that these same Tigers were prowling round up there looking for new targets.
Ronnie Larner was Taffy Jones' driver. What's going on, Sarge, asked Ronnie. Nothing at all, Ronnie, says Taff, we're safe as houses here. Five minutes later, Peter was standing in his tank.
"I was looking ahead through my binoculars in the direction of Maltot, trying to see what was happening down there. Suddenly I caught a flicker of movement to my right. Good God! Both Taffy's and Johnnie's tanks are on fire. Shot must be coming from the right, Hill 112. Haven't the 7th got that? Whatever, John, hard right, face up the ridge, Norman, smoke; message to Bob, two have gone, putting down smoke, backing off ridge; Reg, take the tank back off the ridge, I'll go and see if I can help the others.
So I got out of the turret and down on to the ground and walked towards the blazing tanks. The Tigers on the reverse slope of 112 were still firing in our direction, and their shots were low enough that I could see them snickering through the corn. Going as they were at slightly over 800 metres per second, they looked most unhealthy.
The only person I could find was Roy Barber, who had suffered burns. I helped him back towards the Chateau and the RAP. As we were level with the Chateau we heard an incoming Moaning Minnie stonk. In the ditch, I said. And from the ditch I saw a mortar land 60 metres away, then another 30 metres away, the two making a straight line aiming directly at us. Not good odds, I thought. But the next two were some way behind us, and before too long Roy had got back to good hands at the RAP".
C Squadron
C Squadron had two major actions during the day, as the War Diary has related. Trevor Greenwood was the troop sergeant of 15 Troop, which was commanded by Seymour Francis. As they were moving off on the night of 9 July Seymour's tank suffered a broken bell crank in the gear box. Seymour changed to Trevor's tank. There was no spare in the fitter's truck, so the Battalion Technical Officer (BTO) had to return to base to get one. Trevor's narrative starts very early on the morning of 10 July.
"Probably one of the worst days I will ever know...B.T.O returned about 1.00am...having had to return to St. Gabriel for new part. Something of a feat to make return journey in darkness...no lights, no roads etc. Job finished about 2.30a.m......and we moved off to find the squadron: only a hazy idea of their location, but we found them eventually...about 3.30a.m. Just in time to form up for march to Verson and FUP. It was a horrible journey. Cold - hunger - fear: terrible fear....these were only a part of the nightmare. I suppose the journey was about 3 miles, but it seemed longer. The territory was only newly occupied...and there were the usual obvious signs...visible even in the dark. Dead cattle...almost always lying with legs pointing upwards...usually one or more legs blown off by blast or shrapnel; a horrible sight.
Vehicles, both ours and German, dumped in ditches along roadside; villages...completely ruined and desolate; silent but for our noise. Sentries and guards standing at road junctions etc...very much on the alert...waiting...listening...peering...snipers everywhere.
Our FUP was just south of Verson – from where we were scheduled to launch an attack on Eterville with 4th Dorsets: zero hour for us was 6.15am. As we neared Verson, the noise became worse...terrifying. An enormous barrage was being laid down close by for "B"...who were going further west at 5.00am.
At Verson, ruins as usual and we did more damage to walls and houses...unavoidable in the narrow lanes and darkness. Enemy only just cleared out of the place.
We were in Verson about 5.30am: our FUP a field immediately south of village, just below hill crest. We were now able to see fairly well, but it was not fully daylight. As we manoeuvred into position, I noticed a tremendous barrage falling on our left flank...about a quarter mile away. This was a grand sight: it was the smoke screen promised: without it, our left flank would have been completely exposed. Right flank was OK....B had already gone in there.
But the barrage was not the only activity. Jerry was sending over tons of mortar. It was falling around us, literally plastering the corn field. There was so much machine-gun fire...both coming and going:...Jerry machine-guns were still only a few yards ahead of us. Kept my head down as much as possible!
At 6.00am, our infantry were in position, to our rear: the mortar fire must have been terrible for them, but they seemed unconcerned. I cannot describe my own reactions about this time. I am always too much afraid for cohesive thought just prior to action:....mentally paralysed with fear, I suppose. But my physical behaviour was quite normal. Up to now, I haven't even experienced any trembling! Queer, that!
At 6.15, the major's order came over the air "advance". We commenced to move up the gentle slope...into what? Eterville lay half a mile beyond the crest, in a shallow valley.
The air was very busy: B had been fighting for an hour on our right, and seemed to have reached their objective: that was some consolation. And on the left flank, we had our white wall of smoke: I felt very secure from that quarter...and I knew that this smoke would continue for four hours: I felt very grateful for the artillery. By now, I had become quite normal: deadly calm and unworried: it is not natural. Every fibre of my being was concentrated upon the one think...enemy gun flashes:...miss them, and...there may not be a second chance. Most of my observation was done thro' the periscopes: too much machine-gunning over the top. Closed down occasionally when mortar became too concentrated around us.
We reached the crest...and there were the enemy running for cover...towards Eterville and the trees ahead. Our besa opened up...every bush and shrub: every tree: every haystack: anything and everything that could hide a body....was raked with machine gun fire.
Our infantry were now amongst and ahead of us...and soon, prisoners started to come in: odd couples of Jerrys popping up from the corn, hands raised...scared to death.
At least three haystacks were now on fire from our incendiary machine gun fire. The smoke from them was a bit of a nuisance, blowing across our front. Ahead, lay the trees immediately in front of Eterville: they were my worry. Jerry has a habit of concealing Tigers and Panthers in the woods. They usually open fire when we are too close to take evasive action...and one hit from an 88 at 400 yards....!
Very soon, we opened up with H.E. on the village...there were as yet no signs of any 88's. The infantry kept steadily on.....walking warily through the deep corn, but always going forward...forward. Our Besa fire passed over them, but it must have been uncomfortably close. Grand fellows those infantry lads: so brave and calm.
I felt terribly grateful towards them when I saw them amongst the trees: they would report any hidden A.T. guns and tanks. My vehicle was behaving well...and putting down smoke fire: crew worked splendidly: damned hard work too. And how we smoked cigarettes! Pedder solved the match problem by getting his lighter to work with gun buffer oil! And in the midst of an action! Mortars were still troublesome: as good as any air force to Jerry!
Time has no meaning during action: some time during the fight, Very lights were seen from the village, and we knew the infantry were "in": they had done a grand job and occupied the place with remarkable speed. We just remained on the high ground...keeping on the alert from any armour...and a possible counter-attack.
Meanwhile, the smoke was still literally pouring down on the left: B had done their job on the right, and now our front seemed reasonably safe: The tension was less acute...but always there was the mortar and snipers and the necessary vigil for lurking Tigers and Panthers.
Later, when the village had quietened down, we withdrew to original start point...and replenished our depleted ammo racks...the SSM was there waiting for us.
Mortar was now quite regular and all around us: we hadn't lost one in the action! Thank goodness it was over: we seemed to have been fighting for many hours...but it was only 10.00am.
And now we had time for a brew and a few biscuits and a little rest, in spite of continual mortaring. We were very exposed, in the middle of a large cornfield, but we couldn't withdraw further in case we were needed to repel a counter-attack. The hours passed...maybe two or three...and we were all hoping for the order to withdraw. My crew, in particular were dreadfully tired, having had no sleep the previous night owing to the breakdown. And the awful tension of the action had had its effect. And then...the colonel's voice over the air to the major: another "party" was being arranged for us: stand by for further action!! God! What dreadful depression!
Shortly, we learned about the "party".
A had passed through C and B to carry out a further attack to the south on Maltot...and things weren't going so well. It appeared that A had been hammered pretty badly. We were scheduled to launch a further attack on Maltot with fresh infantry. And we had been complimenting ourselves upon our neat little action in taking Eterville so quickly and without loss to ourselves. But now!?
Once again that terrible fear...Well....we went in...via scenes of recent action...dreadful scenes. As with Eterville, we plastered the woods around Maltot with machine gun fire and plenty of H.E. My gunner asked permission to have a go at the church spire, just visible above the hill crest: he was given permission, and got two lovely hits with H.E. – The steeple toppled. It might have harboured an enemy observer.
Once again, we were assisted by the artillery laying a grand smoke screen on our left flank. The infantry seemed to have little difficulty in entering the woods...and so down to the village. We did not follow: remaining on the high ground on the alert for enemy armour. We knew there were at least three Panthers in the village...or in the vicinity.
Occasional burst of machine-gun fire from enemy dug outs, and a few snipers, but we dealt with them. We must have passed an hour or two on that crest...and then came the major's voice over the air appealing to the Colonel for further assistance in the village for the infantry. Things seemed to happen rapidly: 3 S.P's were promised...but it seemed a poor response.
And then I noticed one of our tanks on fire. What on earth was happening? There were no signs of enemy on the hill, and our infantry were in the woods and village. It seemed like a counter-attack in force, judging by Major Holden's further appeal. He had somehow contacted the infantry commander.
Suddenly I heard some heavy gunfire...and the swish of shells. Hells Bells! My tank was being fired at. Two misses! Darned if I could see any gun flashes or tanks. I peered frantically through the periscope...there seemed to be at least one more tank in difficulties and several smaller vehicles on fire.
And then the major's voice...he wanted help...smoke. He got smoke...all of us poured it out as fast as we could. In a matter of seconds, our former peaceful hill crest was pretty well littered with burning vehicles, – and smoke...a dense fog. I noticed one or two nearby vehicles moving away, but where to? Soon I couldn't see a thing but smoke, but gave the driver orders to advance: better to go anywhere than stay and be shot up. Eventually found my way back to lower ground away from the danger zone...but I was still hazy about the situation. All the same, I felt convinced that something pretty bad had happened.
Very soon, infantry appeared running towards us...and away from Maltot. Were we withdrawing? Some sort of retreat seemed apparent. We were too far ahead to re-group and deploy for further action, so we withdrew to our laager north of Eterville...the latter being now well consolidated by the infantry.
And there we waited...being fiercely mortared meanwhile. Ultimately, and without warning, we turned about and withdrew...accompanied by terrific mortar fire: it seemed certain that we were under observation, so accurate was the mortaring.
Through Verson...and fields and orchards and lanes to a point about 2 miles north-west of Verson. A rather hectic journey and rather bewildering. Arrived after dark – in a field – our final halt for the day.
My crew had been in the tank almost continuously for about 28 hours! And no meal in the period: but we had biscuits, and one "brew up". Heard alarming rumours about casualties etc. but things were too obscure to worry about. Bed was imperative. Rolled myself in a couple of blankets, and slept beneath the tank".
Ronnie Holden commanded C Squadron throughout the whole day with one break, which he describes:
"In the afternoon C Squadron were alerted to attack Maltot in support of 4 Dorsets. As far as I could see there were two options:
to obey orders and support the infantry into Maltot
to attack the enemy tanks which dominated Maltot
I chose the second option and set out from higher ground to the new sight that we had of the Tigers. Here I got a direct hit in Incredible's engine which promptly caught fire: CO2 bottle to the rescue, fire out, but only half an engine. Coinciding with this set-back I received a message by scout car ordering me to report personally to the Commander of 43 Div (Major-General Ivor Thomas) at once. So into the scout car, but not before giving orders to pin the Tigers from hull down positions about 150 yards back from even higher ground. The ride to Div HQ was quite a way and my meeting with General Thomas was further delayed by the arrival of the Corps Commander.
After my meeting with the generals I had to report back to our Colonel, Paddy Everard, and so took no further part in the action at Maltot which ended with disastrous consequences. Two lessons are to be learned from this:
never reinforce failure
never take a squadron leader away from his squadron during a battle he has been given to fight".
4.2 >After Jupiter: 11-25 July 1944
The broad picture
The 43rd Wessex Division remained on Hill 112 and the ridge with furious counter-attacks from Germans and British alternately. The Churchills of 31 Tank Brigade were in place further north of the ridge to repel German advances over the ridge.
Montgomery continued to hammer at different parts of the German front, and the next major effort was towards the ridge to the west of 112. The 15th Scottish plus a brigade of Royal Welsh Fusiliers (53 Div) with 34 Tank Brigade in support executed Operation Greenline. This had as its objectives the villages of Esquay, Evrecy, Gavrus and Bougy. The latter two were taken, the former two not; but the Germans were kept busy and engaged from 15 to 18 July. During this time preparations were being made for Operation Goodwood, a thrust to the south on the eastern side of Caen. This was made by all three armoured divisions at that time in Normandy, 7th, 11th, and Guards; it started on 18 July.
The attack was preceded by a massive air bombardment. But the Germans had very effective anti-tank forces in depth, and the British tanks ground to a blazing halt on 20 July.
On that day, far away to the east, a bomb exploded at 1242 hrs. Adolf Hitler did not die, but the repercussions of the explosion caused uncertainties and hesitations to run down the chain of the German higher command. In a short time this showed benefits to the allied forces, but not to the Canadians who assaulted the Verrieres ridge in Operation Spring on 25 July. Sixty men of the Royal Hamilton Light Infantry reached the summit, 15 came back, and 342 lay dead or wounded on the ridge's forward slopes. It was much the same for the other Canadian units.
But on this same day the allied strategy triumphed. Goodwood might have been a tactical failure, but strategically it succeeded. The Germans, expecting a further assault, brought in fresh troops from east of the Seine and shifted a Panzer division east from the Caumont sector. There were now seven panzer and seven infantry divisions facing fourteen British divisions, while twenty-one American divisions faced two panzer, one panzer grenadier, and six infantry divisions. Operation Cobra was launched at Saint-Lô on 25 July. During the period 11-25 July 9 RTR as part of 31 Tank Brigade remained in a counter-attack role, mainly just north of the Hill 112 – Chateau de Fontaine ridge.
The War Diary
July 11/12
Battalion remained in the same location north-east of Mouen, obtaining reinforcements and replacements which included ten Mark VII Churchills, at the same time standing by to assist 7 RTR who were still in the area Hill 112 in a counter-attack role. Major P.N. (Berry) Veale, M.C., was promoted and transferred to be CO of 7 RTR, who had lost both their CO and 2 i/c on 10 July.
July 13 to 16
Battalion moved to Les Saullets just north of Cheux to rest, and on the night of July 16 moved to relieve 7 RTR in counter-attack role at Chateau de Fontaine and Hill 112. 129 Brigade (43 Div) were the infantry in that area. Battalion moved into position in the area of Gournay at last light, and all crews began digging deep holes in which to sleep.
Just after 2300 hours, following mortar and shell fire, the harbour area was machine-gunned and bombed by six Junkers 88's. The CO, Lt-Col Paddy Everard, was wounded in the head and back, Trooper Stan Agar was killed, and Troopers Bell, Edmunds, Sharpe and Wright were wounded, as well as L/Cpl Cunningham and Cpl Cove. Major Bob Warren took over command.
Shelling and mortaring continued throughout the night.
July 17
At first light HQ, B and C Squadrons moved out to an area about one mile due north of Hill 112, squadrons deployed with two troops up. Mortaring continued throughout the day, and in retaliation a shoot was carried out by all 75 and 95mm guns, resulting in the silencing of a machine-gun that had been worrying the infantry.
An SP was forced to disclose its position and infantry reported a Panther set on fire, but no confirmation was available. At 1930 hrs a further shoot was made on the centre of St. Martin which drew heavy retaliation from enemy mortars resulting in three minor casualties.
Jul 18/19
Very similar to July 17 – intervals of mortar and shell fire. Recces and plans were made for counter-attack roles. Shoot carried out on a wood on Hill 112 reported to harbour three Tigers. Lt-Col P.N. Veale was transferred back from 7 RTR and assumed command of the Battalion.
July 21
At 1430 hrs an enemy counter-attack threatened and B Squadron moved up to the crest to give moral support to the infantry. Heavy mortaring resulted in Major Bob Warren being wounded in the right hand and side, his wireless -operator Sgt. Mick Tito having his right hand blown off, and Cpl Reg Southern and Bert Wilcox also being wounded.
No counter-attack developed, but a party towed away a number of dead cows whose stench did more to lower morale than persistent mortaring and shelling.
7 RTR were brought up into the area to attack Maltot corresponding with a Canadian attack on Etavaux. Following the attack and corresponding with a Canadian attack on St. Andre sur Orne 9 RTR were ordered to be prepared to attack Feuguerolles sur Orne and St. Martin.
July 22
1815 hrs. Support given to 7 RTR attack on Maltot with 75 and 95mm fire aimed at nebelwerfers in area 70 ring contour just north of St. Martin. First shoot drew heavy mortaring but there was no reply to the second shoot. During this time Major Holden got mixed up with his slidex and reported "dead". Persisting in this report, he was advised to call skeleton O groups.
[Note: Slidex was a system for coding map references and other information to keep them secure from the enemy].
July 23/25
The intensity of mortaring and shelling decreased and a further shoot was carried out on an 88 located on Hill 112, but no further orders were received concerning attack on Feuguerolles and St. Martin. On 25 July, after watching rocket-firing Typhoons brassing up enemy position south of Caen, the Battalion received orders to move to Fontenay Le Pesnil.
After nine days of air attack at night and shelling and mortaring at all times during the day and night, no one was sorry to leave.
The attack on Feuguerolles and St. Martin which was to have been done down a valley dominated on both sides by enemy positions had not promised to be the best of adventures either.
Personal recollections 11-25 July
The War Diary records the continuous bombardment of the area just north and east of Hill 112. This was a constant theme in all the accounts of these few days. John Hodges:
"16 July:
We moved up at dusk to take over a counter-attack role from 7 RTR at Gournay just north of pt 112. Here we remained until 26th July, losing each day three or four men from mortar fire. During the whole of this period the place was mortared and shelled all day long and we lived in holes beneath the tanks. At night there was always a visit from German bombers and heavy shelling, so one way or another there was little sleep. On the first night we had hardly stopped the engines before the bombers were over dropping flares and bombs. One landed between the CO's tank and mine. He was underneath his with two of the crew. One was killed and the CO badly spattered with shrapnel and was evacuated. Geoff Brewer, who was standing on top of the CO's tank, was blown off but suffered little more than a severe shaking!
Altogether it was a most unpleasant night and our casualties were four killed and a score injured. I joined forces with Bob Warren who took over command. On the 19th July Berry Veale came back to us as CO from 7 RTR.
B Squadron had to go forward as a counter-attack was reported. A mortar bomb fell on Bob Warren's operator's flaps making a pretty good mess of Sergeant Tito. Bob wasn't too bad but will probably lose a couple of fingers. Mike Reynell took over B Squadron".
During the shoots carried out by the Battalion between 22 and 24 July the Recce Officers of the Squadrons acted as forward observation officers. Taffy Leyshon explains how it was with C Squadron:
"Hill 112 all the tanks were lined up as if ready for attack, no camouflage, shelling and mortaring morning, noon and night. C Squadron HQ Troop had Major Holden's and Capt Link's 95mm howitzers. Capt Kidd who was my officer had a scout car and a tank. Once I drove the scout car with Trooper Patchett towards the German lines and hid behind a knocked out tank. Capt Kidd then crawled out with field glasses and intercom and sent messages to Patchett; Major Holden's tank would fire a shot, two adjustments then Capt Kidd crawled back. Get out quick he said.
We used the gun next day to support an infantry patrol. A spandau machine gun opened up on them, Major Holden was in communication with the officer, and three shots put the spandau out".
Jock Cordiner was upset and embarrassed by mortars:
"Mortar bombs gave me the creeps. On Hill 112 I had gone some 200 yards to the loo, that delightful hole in the middle of nowhere topped with a wooden seat and surrounded by a canvas screen. No sooner was I comfortable than a moaning minnie attack started. I dashed for cover, my pants around my legs and my shirt tail flapping in the breeze, jeered and cheered by half the squadron. Just before that, while still with HQ, Brad and I had dug holes and were asleep behind the lines. It was raining hard and our holes were sodden, but safe. We were awakened by the Duty Officer and ordered to drive to Hill 112 with something very urgent. We were groping our way along the black lanes when a severe air attack started. We both dived out of the Humber into a ditch on top of a few startled infantrymen. When the raid moved on we did also. As we came uphill towards the tanks a bomb or shell caught an ammunition dump just off the road and almost simultaneously another hit a fuel dump on the other side of the road. We were silhouetted, roasted, and in severe danger of being blown apart. I never knew a Humber could be driven so fast".
In the confusion of this sort of action, and because of casualties and transfers, it happened sometimes that people were left very much to their own devices. Almost invariably they did their very best to get back to where they could be useful. Jack Woods:
"My next taste of action was during the Maltot battle. After a lengthy journey seemingly all over the bridgehead the echelon decided to laager in a field strewn with enemy slit trenches, guess what? surprise, surprise, we were heavily stonked, suffering casualties including some fatalities so off we went again on another joy-ride finally catching up with the tanks where they had laagered for the night and servicing them in the dark. The next day, I was off again, this time to Brigade Workshops with a tank requiring an engine change and where I was instructed to stay with it until it was repaired. Needless to say nobody else had heard of that order and once the A.R.V. had dumped me in a field near the workshops, I was forgotten about for a day or two, eating and sleeping with the fitters and nobody the least bit concerned about who I was and what I was doing there and where for all anybody cared I could have nicely sat out the rest of the war. I soon got cheesed off with that however, there was nowhere to go as everything was mined so I reported in for further orders much to the surprise of the R.E.M.E. bods who quickly shipped me off to the Forward Delivery Squadron".
Sitting on the reverse slope of Hill 112 was not a totally painful recollection for everyone. John Stone remembered two items connected with food:
"At one place round there we were in a potato field. All we had to do to get fresh spuds was to do a neutral turn in the field, and hey presto, a bucketful. Somehow we seemed to have plenty of time to experiment with food. The compo packs (a box containing tinned and similar food for fifteen men for one day) were really quite good. There was a problem with the tea, however. A tin contained pre-mixed powdered tea, powdered milk and powdered sugar. The question was, how to brew it? The tea needed infusing and the milk simmering, and a proper compromise seemed unattainable. We tried all sorts of ways, but our favourite was to brew it for 30 minutes, and then add three spoonfuls of sugar per cup. The original Sergeant-Major's tea!"
Trevor Greenwood describes some of the food his crew obtained, and then the problem of disposing of the end product.
"Boiled chicken for lunch: didn't have any myself. Have no stomach for local poultry or livestock. Everything seems diseased and lifeless, but this must be my imagination. My four colleagues really enjoyed the chicken....with boiled potatoes, grown locally. Most of the crews now seem to have a dead chicken hanging on their tanks. There are many more running wild in nearby village, also many tame rabbits. Know of at least one crew, in B, who have shot a young calf...and had veal!
Believe we are moving "in" again this evening: to relieve 7th who are standing by on Hill 112. Troop officers out on reccy this morning. Have done a reccy myself, with Bill Geary. Neither of us are partial to "rears" in full view of everyone. And our present lav. is about the worst we have had so far. We explored the ruined village...but too many troops about. Went as far as a wood half a mile away...but everywhere there are troops, hoards of them. Eventually, we had to swallow our pride...and perform very publicly. I was amused by the easy going manner in which my crew solved the urinary problem on Monday during the action. We were several hours at a stretch inside the vehicle...and even back in the forward rally, it was really dangerous to leave the vehicle owing to mortar and snipers. The problem was solved by using a small empty oil tin...this being passed up to me for emptying through the hatch, at intervals.
At one of those forward rallys, I had a more urgent need, and simply had to leave the tank. I crawled beneath the rear with a spade and dug a hole...I felt fairly safe from mortar...but just as I was hitching up my pants, there came the ominous "whining", followed by crashes dangerously near. I simply dived head first further beneath the tank...and stayed there, literally with my pants down!"
CHAPTER 5: BREAK OUT
5.1 Break-out from the bridgehead
The broad picture
On 25 July the Americans launched Operation Cobra at Saint Lô. The attack was preceded by a bombardment of the German positions by 3000 aircraft, and was itself on a six-thousand-yard front with an assault force of three infantry, one motorized, and two armoured divisions.
The first day's advance was slow, but by nightfall US VII Corps Commander, General "Lightning Joe" Collins, guessed that his corps was practically through the German defences. Early next morning he launched his exploiting force, and here began a campaign of rapid movement. By 30 July VII Corps had reached Avranches, nearly 40 miles from Saint Lô, and through this gap poured General George Patton's 3rd US Army, fanning out west, south, and east. By 6 Aug Patton was approaching Le Mans.
To attempt to stem this flood the Germans transferred forces from the eastern or British sector of the bridgehead, and to keep the pressure on the Germans Montgomery attacked south from the area of Caumont in the direction of Vire on 30 July. Another prong of this attack by the 43rd Wessex was directed south east, and on 6 Aug the commanding height of Mont Pinçon was taken. Further to the east again the 59th British Infantry (Staffordshire) Division was directed to establish a bridgehead across the River Orne in the area of Goupillieres, north of Thury-Harcourt. This they did on the evening of 6 Aug.
The War Diary
26 Jul:
After a night march the Battalion concentrated at Fontenay le Pesnil and here came under command 59 Div. The Battalion had the task of supporting 176 Infantry Brigade in counter-attack roles on four positions: Haut de Bosq, Rauray, Point 126 and Brettevillette.
The country in this area had been heavily mined by the enemy and, consisting of small fields bounded by thick hedgerows and ditches, was undoubtedly the most difficult tank country that the Battalion had yet encountered. The field of vision was generally less than 100 yards and in any deployed movement there could not be any visual contact between troops. Large tree stumps, torn and gashed by shell-fire, together with the deep ditches provided natural tank obstacles.
It was essential that each area was very carefully reconnoitred so that should an emergency arise each tank commander would know beforehand the exact line of advance of each tank. These areas were under constant shell and mortar fire, which added to the difficulties, and at 1800 hrs B Squadron suffered a most unfortunate disaster.
The troop leaders of this squadron went forward for a rendezvous with Major Reynell, who was then making his plan just north of Brettevillette. Dismounting from the half-track an S-mine was exploded, resulting in the deaths of Lieut Smart, Lieut Wolskel, and Sgt Nicholls. Lieut Beale and Lieut Cargill were wounded and the latter died in hospital a few days later.
31 July
The reconnaissance and forming of plans for these counter-attack roles lasted four days and on 31 July a demonstration was given by two troops of C Squadron with a company of 7 Norfolks of the method that had been adopted in clearing this type of country.
Since 29 July 197 Brigade (59 Div) had been patrolling in strength, sometimes assisted by tanks of 7 RTR. The general impression gained from prisoners of war was that the enemy were withdrawing under the pressure of concentrated artillery fire, together with lack of food, sleep and at times ammunition.
1 Aug
1700 hrs: orders were received that 59 Div with 31 Tank Brigade in support would capture point 213, 1 mile north east of Villers Bocage on the road to Caen.
The main plan was in two phases:
Phase 1: 197 Brigade with two squadrons of 7 RTR in support and two troops of C Squadron 22 Dragoons under command to feel forward and contact the enemy
Phase 2: On contact, attack to be made with two brigades up
Right: 176 Brigade with 9 RTR in support
Left: 177 Brigade with one squadron 7 RTR in support 26 squadron ARE, 2 troops 22 Dragoons and 304 Anti-Tank SPRA under command.
9 RTR plan was as follows:
To attack with two squadrons up supporting two battalions.
Right: C Squadron in support of 7 Norfolks with flail and AVRE support
Left: A Squadron in support of 7 S. Staffs with flail and AVRE support
B Squadron with 6 N. Staffs to give right flank protection while one squadron 7 RTR secured the left flank by attacking area point 142.
2/3 Aug
197 Brigade continued to patrol forward, meeting little oppositi
read this slowly
Pressure was kept up on the Germans at all points on the perimeter of the bridgehead, particularly at Carpiquet aerodrome and Caen.
On 4 July the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division, supported by the tanks of the Fort Garry Horse and Crocodiles of the 79th Armoured, attacked the village of Carpiquet and the aerodrome. These were defended by 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth) under the command of Kurt Meyer. Though very few in numbers, the teenagers of the Hitler Youth were aided by a few tanks and 88's, very effective artillery and mortar fire, and the fact that Meyer was able to tap into the Canadians radio transmissions. The Germans were forced out of Carpiquet, but not out of the aerodrome.
The next step for the Canadians and the British was a direct attack on Caen. At 2150 hrs on 7 July 2500 tons of bombs were dropped on the northern outskirts of Caen. At 0420 hours on 8 July 1 Corps launched the ground attack of Operation Charnwood, the capture of Caen. The 3rd British Infantry Division was on the left of the British advance, the 59th in the centre, and the 3rd Canadian Infantry were on the right, starting from where they were at Carpiquet. The attack had limited success, in that 1 Corps reached the line of the River Orne running through the centre of Caen, while the Germans pulled back into the industrial suburbs of Colombelles and Faubourg de Vaucelles.
The battle for Caen died down, but Montgomery needed to maintain pressure on the British front. The Americans had been attacking for a week and had made little progress. The 2nd SS Panzer Division, Das Reich, had been moved to the American sector, and Panzer Lehr was on its way.
Operation Jupiter, the plans for which had been drawn up some days before, had the strategic objective of bringing armour back to the British front, and the tactical objective of reaching the River Orne south of Caen. The specific objectives, shown in the map of Figure ____, were: on the right flank of the advance Hill 112; on the left flank of the advance Chateau de Fontaine, Eterville, Maltot, and exploitation to the Orne at Feuguerolles. The British troops taking part in Jupiter were: 43 (Wessex) Infantry Division, plus 46 (Highland) Brigade and a brigade of the 3rd Canadian Infantry division; tank support consisted of 31 Tank Brigade (7 RTR and 9 RTR), and 4 Armoured Brigade; artillery support was provided by the divisional artillery of 43 Wessex, 15 Scottish, 53 Welsh and 11 Armoured, as well as the heavier guns of two Army Groups Royal Artillery (AGRA's).
9 RTR in Operation Jupiter: before and during;
Extracts from the War Diary
Jul 2-7: The Battalion was concentrated north of Cheux and a recce was ordered in conjunction with 130 Brigade (43 Div) of the area Verson - Eterville - Maltot. The recce had two purposes:
to find a suitable route across country, including a crossing of the River Odon, so that tanks could reach the area Fontaine Etoupefour.
to discover suitable forming up points (FUP's) for all squadrons prior to an attack south-east from Fontaine Etoupefour.
No natural route was available, but with the Royal Engineers blasting trees, bull-dozing hedgerows, and fording the river, a route was made and marked.
All troop leaders went forward to know the location and nature of their respective FUP's, and then crawled forward to get a glimpse of the ground over which they might be attacking. During these recces it was possible to see the battle of Carpiquet aerodrome which the Canadians were still trying to capture.
With the recce complete the Battalion, less B Squadron, was ordered to rest and moved to south of Bronay. B Squadron moved to just north-east of Colleville with objects of counter-attacking any enemy advance from east or north-east and of blocking the Caen-Villers Bocage road.
Jul 7: B Squadron rejoined the Battalion and during the evening a heavy raid by 450 bombers on the area north of Caen was watched with a certain amount of excitement.
Jul 9: Reports showed that 1 Corps was breaking into Caen from the north and east. By 1800 hrs all Caen north of the River Orne had been captured; Carpiquet aerodrome and the road Verson-Caen were also reported clear. Operation Jupiter was now possible.
Plan 31 Tank Brigade in support 43 Division
Right – 7 RTR, less B Squadron, with 129 Brigade to attack and capture Hill 112
Left – 9 RTR with 130 Brigade to capture Chateau de Fontaine, Eterville and Maltot.
Phase 1 (9 RTR): B Squadron with 5 Dorsets to Chateau de Fontaine at H-hour
(0500 hrs)
Phase 2 C Squadron with 4 Dorsets to Eterville at H + 75 minutes.
Phase 3 A Squadron with 7 Hampshires to Maltot at H + 180 minutes.
Exploitation 4 Armoured Brigade to move to St. Martin 9760 and Feuguerolles
46 Brigade with B Squadron 7 RTR to advance north east towards Caen
At 2000 hours 9 Jul the Battalion moved to Forward Assembly Area (FAA) north-east of Colleville.
Jul 10: At 0300 hrs the Battalion moved to FUP area Fontaine-Etoupefour. The move was covered by artillery and no difficulties were encountered. Battalion HQ was established at Bas de Mouen, just north of the River Odon.
Phase 1
At 0500 hrs B Squadron advanced with 5 Dorsets and in 15 minutes Les Dauns had been taken and only machine-gun fire had been encountered. It was known that elements of 10 SS Panzer Division threatened the left flank and 12 Panthers were reported roaming in the area of Eterville. A troop of 17-pounder self-propelled anti-tank guns (SP's) took up positions to guard against this threat while B Squadron pushed on to the Chateau. Resistance was still confined to machine-gun fire and snipers, and soon 6, 7 and 8 Troops were working round the Chateau. By 0552 hrs the 5 Dorsets had captured their objective; one tank had been lost on the left flank due to anti-tank fire later discovered to have been a 75/55mm.
At 0614 the objective was reported secure with the infantry firmly established on the line of the road from Fontaine-Etoupefour to Maltot. About 30 prisoners had been taken, a number killed, and at least six machine-gun positions destroyed.
Phase 2
By 0635 hrs C Squadron were advancing to Eterville with 4 Dorsets. As their besa fire tore through the corn the Germans came forward with their hands up. Prisoners were identified as belonging to 1 and 2 Battalions of the 22nd Panzer Grenadier Regiment. As 4 Dorsets neared Eterville B Squadron moved up and gave added support from the right flank, destroying two anti-tank guns.
The threat from the left remained, but a further troop of 17-pounder SP's and 11 Troop of C Squadron were in good positions waiting for the first sign of enemy tanks. By 0735 hrs Eterville had been taken and B Squadron rallied north of Les Dauns. Heavy enemy Mortar fire was concentrated on Eterville.
Phase 3
At 0815 hrs A Squadron advanced between B and C Squadrons supporting 7 Hampshires in their attack on Maltot. B Squadron was in position to provide support from the right flank of A's attack. Up to now the whole attack had gone perfectly, but at 0835 hrs A Squadron was severely worried by anti-tank fire from 4 German SP's in the area of the orchards just north of Maltot. As soon as an artillery concentration was brought down in this area 8 Troop of B Squadron reported anti-tank fire from the reverse slopes of Hill 112 and that 2 tanks had been knocked out.
On the right of 9 RTR 7 RTR were attacking Hill 112 in support of 129 Brigade. They had made substantial progress, but at 0933 hrs a strong enemy counter-attack was made on Hill 112. 7 RTR suffered a number of casualties including their C.O., Lt-Col Gaisford, who lost an eye, and the 2 i/c Major Bob Fleming who was killed. The right flank of 9 RTR's advance was thus enfiladed, and anti-tank fire was also reported from the high ground dominating Maltot to the west of the River Orne. The impetus of the attack was failing – two Tigers were in Maltot making the advance of the infantry extremely difficult and A Squadron's movement was hampered by a troop of Tigers on the southern slope of Hill 112, firing north-east.
At 1156 hrs A Squadron were still struggling to support the infantry in Maltot who were now confronted with another Tiger. The German infantry were now counter-attacking and only nine tanks of A Squadron were left. Major Douglas Ballantine, OC A Squadron, dismounted in an attempt to make contact with the CO of the 7 Hampshires (Lt-Col DWG Ray), but was severely wounded by mortar fire and subsequently died.
By 1200 hrs 2 i/c A Squadron (Capt Bert Mockford) reported that he had only four tanks capable of fighting, and further reports stated that counter-attacks were being made with tanks and infantry from north-east and south-west of Maltot.
The Battalion was disposed as follows:
B Squadron and elements of A in hull down positions on spur south of Chateau de Fontaine with infantry and anti-tank guns dug in.
C Squadron had joined Battalion HQ in forward rally after release by 4 Dorsets. BHQ had been mortared and shelled periodically causing severe casualties among the wounded that had been brought in.
From 1300 - 1600 hrs there was a stale-mate, the enemy making no attempts to push their counter-attack any further. A new plan was devised whereby A Squadron 7 RTR (Major Dick Joscelyne) were to put the 5th Battalion Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry (5 DCLI) on Hill 112 and C Squadron 9 RTR to put 4 Dorsets into Maltot. B Squadron were to give support from the right in the opening phase. 4 Armoured Brigade were waiting to go through.
The advance began at 1640 hrs and despite anti-tank fire from south west of Maltot C Squadron had put the infantry into the village by 1700 hrs. But ten minutes later C Squadron were being shot at from the rear, for once again enemy tanks had infiltrated under cover of the spur north-east of Hill 112. Eight Tigers were also moving in on the left flank, and the infantry were pulling out of Maltot under pressure.
At 1935 hrs C Squadron was also forced to withdraw under the cover of supporting fire from B Squadron. Mortaring and shelling was almost continuous and at 2030 hrs all tanks rallied at the FUP; later they moved to join A Echelon north-east of Mouen to replenish and collect reinforcements.
During this day the battalion suffered 65 casualties (more than a quarter suffered in the entire NW Europe campaign), of whom 22 were killed, 34 wounded, and 9 taken prisoner. Sixteen tanks had been knocked out, of which six were recoverable.
From the ground and the other side of the hill
When the War Diary was written the diarist did not know exactly what was happening in the infantry brigades and the battalions that we were supporting. And it was not until after the war that we knew what the enemy was doing and suffering "on the other side of the hill". This is how it did seem:
From the ground
The 5th Dorsets under Lt-Col B.A. Coad (with B Squadron) had captured the Chateau de Fontaine and the farm nearby by 0615 hrs. Snipers fought it out to the end amongst the farm buildings, hayricks, high hedges and trees. The attack of the 4th Dorsets (Lt-Col H.E. Cowie) with C Squadron on Eterville went forward with great dash, and casualties at first were light. Seventy prisoners were taken and the battalion started to consolidate. A grim struggle for the far end of the village then developed, and enemy mortar and shell fire rained down. Casualties streamed into the regimental aid post (RAP), which soon overflowed with wounded who could not be evacuated; the only approach to the village for vehicles was a sunken lane which became blocked with blazing carriers, and no ambulance could reach the RAP. However, Eterville was held.
The 7th Hampshires (Lt-Col D.W.G. Ray) advanced through the gap between Eterville and Chateau de Fontaine and down towards the orchards and houses of Maltot in the hollow beyond. Intense fire from mortars and 88's came down on the advancing companies, but the battalion entered the village and reported that it was in their hands. In fact they had merely superimposed themselves on a very strongly defended enemy locality. Part of that strength consisted of Tiger tanks of the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, and amongst the houses and orchards companies fought independent actions against the tanks. The wireless truck at the Hampshires' BHQ received a direct hit, and communication with brigade was cut off.
It was not for some hours that the desperate position of the Hampshires was realized. During this time the 4th Dorsets in Eterville had been relieved by the 9th Cameronians, thus freeing 4 Dorsets for a further advance.
The plan to restore the situation at Maltot was for 4 Dorsets to advance to support 7 Hampshires. This they did, but the two leading companies, expecting to take over from the Hampshires in the village, advanced straight into the enemy position and were surrounded. Enemy tanks worked round to the rear of the remainder of the battalion, which lay out in the fields exposed to fire from every direction.
Meanwhile on the ridge to the north Col. Coad of 5 Dorsets had realized the seriousness of the situation in Maltot. He organized the defence of the reverse slope of the ridge, and was joined by 7 Somerset Light Infantry, 1 Worcesters, and the 17-pounders of 59 Anti-Tank Regiment. The gains of the morning were thus made secure.
The position of 4 Dorsets was now hopeless, and Col. Cowie was given permission to withdraw what remained of his battalion; five company commanders had been lost. The remnants withdrew up the slope to the ridge and collected in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine.
From the other side of the hill
The Germans defending the attacks of Operation Jupiter consisted of the 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth), 10 SS Panzer Division (Frundsberg), and the 9 SS Panzer Division (Hohenstaufen), which was being relieved by 277 Infantry Division. Fortunately for all of them, they had just been joined by the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, the Tiger battalion of II SS Panzer Corps. This battalion arrived at St. Martin, 3 km south of Maltot, at 0245 hrs on 10 July after eighteen days on the road from Holland.
The Tigers first moved up to the ridge close to Hill 112 and caused many casualties to 7 RTR, 4 Somersets, and 4 and 5 Wiltshires who were attacking the ridge at that point.
Later in the morning, at the time when the Hampshires and A Squadron attacked Maltot, the British progress was plotted by the commander of 10 SS Panzer Division. He brought down a heavy curtain of artillery and mortar fire to prevent the British from developing their attack on Hill 112, and at the same time sent forward the armoured battalion of 22 SS PGR and the 10th SS Recce Battalion with the Tigers of the 502 Battalion to counter-attack at Maltot.
During the whole day the Tigers were active around Hill 112 and Maltot. Their position just to the south of the 112 ridge enabled them to enfilade the attacks on Maltot, as well as any positions taken up by British troops south of the ridge in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine. And their presence in and around Maltot made that village an extremely difficult nut to crack.
Personal recollections of 10 July
This day was the worst day for the 9th in the whole campaign, and we incurred more than a quarter of all the casualties we sustained in NW Europe on that one day. And the severity, at 34% killed, was well above the normal ratio of killed to total casualties. How did the day seem to the individual? Not good, as the following accounts testify.
Battalion HQ: Capt. AEW (John) Hodges, Adjutant:
"Attack on Maltot area and pt 112. In the morning B Squadron attacked Chateau de Fontaine from just south of Verson. Attack was successful and was exploited to the high ground 500 yards beyond. C Squadron then attacked Eterville and all went well. About 1100 hours A Squadron formed up with 7th Hampshires to pass through these positions and capture Maltot. The tanks reached the orchards surrounding the village and the Infantry entered. At this stage everything seemed to go wrong. The tanks were caught in a murderous cross fire from beyond the river on their right and from woods and the reverse slope of 112, the latter being the objective of 7 RTR who failed to take it. Very heavy mortar fire came down and the inevitable counter attack with tanks came in. The Hampshires were reduced to company strength and at this stage only four tanks out of eighteen were left to fight. These joined up with B Squadron who succeeded in holding the general line chateau and Eterville. About 6pm C Squadron attacked Maltot with a fresh set of Infantry – as before the outskirts of the village were reached – but no further progress could be made.
This was a disastrous day for A Squadron. Young George Hendrie was killed early on. An 88mm shell struck the commander flap and decapitated him. The crew managed to bring the tank back to the start line and he was buried by the Padre together with an Infantry soldier under an elm tree near Verson at 965646. He was a very popular young officer and his death was a great shock to us all. Major Ballantine also died of wounds on this day. I heard his last message over the wireless saying, quite cheerfully, that his tank had been hit three times and that he was trying to get through the hedge into the orchard".
The story of Duggie Ballantine's death, as recounted by John, was given in the Overture to this history.
A Squadron
The 9th's total casualties on 10 July were 65; of these 41 were in A, 14 in B, 8 in C, and 2 in HQ. And of the 41 casualties in A, 16 were killed. Among those killed were the Squadron leader Duggie Ballantine, Troop Leader of 1 Troop, George Hendrie, and Troop Sergeant of 2 Troop, Jock Smith. Among the wounded were Capt. Ronnie Kirby, Lieut. Shep Douglas, Squadron Sergeant-Major Monty Bradley, and Sergeants Frank Quinn, Gray, and Nobbie Norman. It was a grievous blow. Ray Gordon's account of the deaths of Jock Smith, Bill Morris, Dickie Knight, and Jack Hutchinson, and his own wounding was also given in the Overture to this history.
Jim Hutton was George Hendrie's driver in 1 Troop.
"Anyway, getting away from there we moved on then to Maltot and I remember Sergeant Norman and his crew coming up on the A set and he called out that he was in trouble, that the Germans had surrounded him and he came on the air and said "What shall I do. I am surrounded by Germans", and somebody - some bright spark over the air called out "Stick your bloody hands up!" (chuckle). Anyway he was taken prisoner there and if you look in a book called "Hill 112" you will see that Sergeant Norman and his crew were taken prisoner by the German SS and there's quite a good picture of them being interrogated. The other thing was a bit hair raising; somebody came up on the air and called out, "To my left there are 50 Sherman tanks approaching, to my left." "Say again, over". "50 Sherman tanks". "Did you say Sherman or German?" (chuckle) and he said "Sherman". "Oh", he said "thank goodness for that".
The second part of Jim's recollections of that day are not nearly so cheerful:
"Now at Hill 112 I never forget on the Sunday Lieutenant Hendrie had his birthday. He was 21 on the Sunday and we all got drunk on Calvados had a good knees up and a good singsong and all that. Anyhow, Monday morning first light, we were briefed to go into Maltot towards our objective which was between C Squadron and B Squadron, A Squadron was to come through the middle and take a feature but we got hit so badly, I think out of 18 tanks there wasn't many, I think only 5 of us managed to make it. But we got hit on the turret and it hit dead centre of the turret ring and the main armament couldn't traverse and water in the canteen splashed all over the place because that's the side it came in. I felt this cold water over the back of my neck and I couldn't make out what it was but then the tank commander Lieutenant Hendrie called out "We'll carry on with the front machine gun" cause the main armament couldn't be traversed.
So we carried on firing the front machine gun and the next shot hit the cupola and took Lieutenant Hendrie's head - decapitated him and his body fell down into the turret. I felt warm liquid on the back of my neck, which I knew was blood and on turning around I spotted his body with no head and I didn't know whether the rest of the crew were alive or dead in the back. By this time I decided to swing left and swing right cause I knew they had got a beeline on us and they were out to destroy us so I swung hard left and then stopped; swung hard right and moved forward, swung left, right and done a complete swing around. We had a hit on the side, on the right-hand pannier door, my side, and it hit there and ricocheted off scooping about half the metal out and we swung around and we had another hit on the back which was on the louvres, on the metal chocolate bar on the louvre, nearly penetrated the petrol tanks but it managed to bounce off. Finally I did a complete turn, which I thought was a complete turn and we had one hit the back which hit the top of the gear box and ripped the top of the selectors off, the cover for the selectors. We managed to keep going and we drove for about a mile, a mile and a half and we stopped and we hadn't a clue where we were and Busty Cliff, that was my co-driver - Corporal Cliff - he said "Which way do we go now?"
So I looked at a compass, I said "Well if we go that way we are going north towards England so that's the way we want to go" and just as we were about to move we saw a column of tanks coming along a hedge with the rally flags flying and the guns traversed rear which was C Squadron was returning from an action, the same action and we managed to join in with them. We saw the OC and he said tag on the back and we'll take you back to your squadron. When we returned to the forward echelon Sergeant Major Bradley and a padre came over and asked us if we had any casualties and we said Yes, I think there's three in the turret; but on looking they found there was only one, Lieutenant Hendrie was dead and the other two were more or less dumbfounded, more or less just struck dumb and they managed to come out and we were all OK eventually. Sergeant Major Bradley said Get yourselves some tea and get some sleep and try and get over it which we did and that was quite an experience there. We found out that the squadron had taken a hell of a bashing. And I never forget Sergeant Major Bradley, he was a marvellous man. They got the webbing slings in the turret and managed to take Lieutenant Hendrie's body out and they buried him. That was quite an experience".
SSM Monty Bradley was remembered as a marvellous man by many people including Jim. Harry Hurt of 5 Troop recalls: "Nobby Clark of 5 Troop told me that Monty was wounded at Fontaine-Etoupefour on 10 July. Some wounded tank crew, of whom Nobby was one, were waiting at the FUP to be evacuated. A stonk came down, Monty threw himself on top of a tank crew member to protect him from further wounding, and was himself wounded as a result".
Bob Taylor was gunner to Cpl Fred Armstrong, Troop Corporal of 5 Troop commanded by Lieut. Gerry Wells. His tank started from the orchards around the Chateau de Fontaine.
"We left the orchard and proceeded across fields looking for enemy positions when we saw our Troop Sergeant Tony Griffith and his crew taking shelter at the rear of their tank, which had been knocked out by enemy fire. He signalled to us to give us some idea where the enemy were firing from. Vic Mills, our operator and loader shouted "Traverse Left". As I did I saw a flash from I presume a German 88mm and I fired at the flash. But we had been hit in the turret where the 2 inch smoke rounds were stored and in the next instant we were on fire, flames were coming up from the turret floor and I shouted to the crew to bail out.
The driver and co-driver got out OK, and Cpl Fred Armstrong, the Tank Commander got out suffering with burns to his face and hands. I proceeded to bail out, but my pistol lanyard got caught on the arm rest of the six pounder gun and in the process of getting my lanyard free the flames burnt my hands and face. Eventually I got out of the tank and joined the rest of the crew at the rear of the tank, as we were being machine gunned by the enemy. It was then I was told that Vic Mills, our operator, had been killed as the 88 shot had entered his side of the turret. The tank was well alight by now and there was nothing we could do as the ammo started to explode.
We waited for a while then we started to make our way back to the orchard, which meant that we had to cross a field of tall wheat or corn. We had to keep bobbing up and down to find our direction to the orchard, and to keep out of sight from the German infantry, as they were in the same field.
As we got near the road we came upon a wounded German soldier sitting against the hedge. When he saw us he lifted his rifle and pointed it as us so we pointed our pistols at him and he slung his rifle to one side and raised his hands in surrender.
But we were more concerned with getting treatment for our burns. We got back to the orchard and were given first aid, then Fred Armstrong and myself were taken to Bayeux and shipped to England for hospital treatment".
B Squadron
B Squadron moved off at 0500 hrs. Their first objective was Les Dauns and the final one the ridge just beyond the Chateau de Fontaine. John Powell was the wireless-op in the troop sergeant's tank of 7 Troop; his account starts after the end of the Epsom battles:
"The lull in operations lasted just a few days until we were told to prepare for the next action. Details are hazy but I remember moving up to the start line ready to support the Hampshires and Dorsets in their advance on Chateau de Fontaine and Maltot. As always we moved off at first light and fairly rapidly achieved our first objective, whatever that may have been.
All seemed quiet and we were awaiting our next move, feeling confident and probably slightly complacent at our initial success when the tank was hit in the engine compartment. The impact was unmistakable but not as horrifying or noisy as had previously been imagined. During the second or two that we were adjusting to this situation another round penetrated the left side of the turret, presumably igniting the ammo as the tank started to 'brew-up" immediately. An intercom. and visual check quickly revealed that tragically our greatly liked and respected young gunner, L/Cpl Johnny Foden, had taken the full force of the projectile and was beyond help. He must have perished mercifully quickly. The tank was now burning furiously and the rest of us needed to abandon ship smartly. Machine-gun rounds were striking the side of the turret so we waited for a lull, hoping that the machine-gunner would need to change belts. The remaining four of us jumped out. Our troop-leader's tank was nearby and, being pointed in the right direction towards our own lines, we started to trudge back. Tankies without their vehicles are a bit like shell-less tortoises on the battlefield and we felt strangely vulnerable.
The noise of battle sounded increasingly distant as we crossed the open Normandy fields. On our way we came across a young German infantryman, SS as I remember, who had a leg wound. On being offered a cigarette he showed what he thought of it all by spitting at us! A stretcher was found from somewhere by someone and we took turns at carrying the unhappy young man back with us.
Like I said, we were unused to being on a battlefield without inches of armour plate around us. Some mortar rounds or shells started whistling around and we dropped. Too late. When I returned to consciousness the others were getting up but I couldn't move. I tried to shout but only a whisper came out. The others noticed my plight and our sergeant examined me, turned me over and put a field dressing on my back. I couldn't feel my legs but was assured that they were still there. Someone went to get help while I was given a cigarette to keep me occupied. My very brief war was certainly over". John records what happened after that: "Flown back in a very bumpy Dakota for further attention to my spinal injuries, I spent months and months in hospital recovering some use of my legs. Eventually I was invalided out".
Peter Beale was commanding 8 Troop with Taffy Jones as his troop sergeant and Johnnie Walker as his troop corporal. They reached the objective beyond the Chateau de Fontaine without any difficulty, and waited there while C Squadron successfully attacked Eterville. When A Squadron began to experience difficulties in Maltot B Squadron moved a little further south over the ridge, with 8 Troop on the right flank. At this stage no one realized that 7 RTR's attack on Hill 112 had been repulsed by the Tigers of 502 SS Battalion, and that these same Tigers were prowling round up there looking for new targets.
Ronnie Larner was Taffy Jones' driver. What's going on, Sarge, asked Ronnie. Nothing at all, Ronnie, says Taff, we're safe as houses here. Five minutes later, Peter was standing in his tank.
"I was looking ahead through my binoculars in the direction of Maltot, trying to see what was happening down there. Suddenly I caught a flicker of movement to my right. Good God! Both Taffy's and Johnnie's tanks are on fire. Shot must be coming from the right, Hill 112. Haven't the 7th got that? Whatever, John, hard right, face up the ridge, Norman, smoke; message to Bob, two have gone, putting down smoke, backing off ridge; Reg, take the tank back off the ridge, I'll go and see if I can help the others.
So I got out of the turret and down on to the ground and walked towards the blazing tanks. The Tigers on the reverse slope of 112 were still firing in our direction, and their shots were low enough that I could see them snickering through the corn. Going as they were at slightly over 800 metres per second, they looked most unhealthy.
The only person I could find was Roy Barber, who had suffered burns. I helped him back towards the Chateau and the RAP. As we were level with the Chateau we heard an incoming Moaning Minnie stonk. In the ditch, I said. And from the ditch I saw a mortar land 60 metres away, then another 30 metres away, the two making a straight line aiming directly at us. Not good odds, I thought. But the next two were some way behind us, and before too long Roy had got back to good hands at the RAP".
C Squadron
C Squadron had two major actions during the day, as the War Diary has related. Trevor Greenwood was the troop sergeant of 15 Troop, which was commanded by Seymour Francis. As they were moving off on the night of 9 July Seymour's tank suffered a broken bell crank in the gear box. Seymour changed to Trevor's tank. There was no spare in the fitter's truck, so the Battalion Technical Officer (BTO) had to return to base to get one. Trevor's narrative starts very early on the morning of 10 July.
"Probably one of the worst days I will ever know...B.T.O returned about 1.00am...having had to return to St. Gabriel for new part. Something of a feat to make return journey in darkness...no lights, no roads etc. Job finished about 2.30a.m......and we moved off to find the squadron: only a hazy idea of their location, but we found them eventually...about 3.30a.m. Just in time to form up for march to Verson and FUP. It was a horrible journey. Cold - hunger - fear: terrible fear....these were only a part of the nightmare. I suppose the journey was about 3 miles, but it seemed longer. The territory was only newly occupied...and there were the usual obvious signs...visible even in the dark. Dead cattle...almost always lying with legs pointing upwards...usually one or more legs blown off by blast or shrapnel; a horrible sight.
Vehicles, both ours and German, dumped in ditches along roadside; villages...completely ruined and desolate; silent but for our noise. Sentries and guards standing at road junctions etc...very much on the alert...waiting...listening...peering...snipers everywhere.
Our FUP was just south of Verson – from where we were scheduled to launch an attack on Eterville with 4th Dorsets: zero hour for us was 6.15am. As we neared Verson, the noise became worse...terrifying. An enormous barrage was being laid down close by for "B"...who were going further west at 5.00am.
At Verson, ruins as usual and we did more damage to walls and houses...unavoidable in the narrow lanes and darkness. Enemy only just cleared out of the place.
We were in Verson about 5.30am: our FUP a field immediately south of village, just below hill crest. We were now able to see fairly well, but it was not fully daylight. As we manoeuvred into position, I noticed a tremendous barrage falling on our left flank...about a quarter mile away. This was a grand sight: it was the smoke screen promised: without it, our left flank would have been completely exposed. Right flank was OK....B had already gone in there.
But the barrage was not the only activity. Jerry was sending over tons of mortar. It was falling around us, literally plastering the corn field. There was so much machine-gun fire...both coming and going:...Jerry machine-guns were still only a few yards ahead of us. Kept my head down as much as possible!
At 6.00am, our infantry were in position, to our rear: the mortar fire must have been terrible for them, but they seemed unconcerned. I cannot describe my own reactions about this time. I am always too much afraid for cohesive thought just prior to action:....mentally paralysed with fear, I suppose. But my physical behaviour was quite normal. Up to now, I haven't even experienced any trembling! Queer, that!
At 6.15, the major's order came over the air "advance". We commenced to move up the gentle slope...into what? Eterville lay half a mile beyond the crest, in a shallow valley.
The air was very busy: B had been fighting for an hour on our right, and seemed to have reached their objective: that was some consolation. And on the left flank, we had our white wall of smoke: I felt very secure from that quarter...and I knew that this smoke would continue for four hours: I felt very grateful for the artillery. By now, I had become quite normal: deadly calm and unworried: it is not natural. Every fibre of my being was concentrated upon the one think...enemy gun flashes:...miss them, and...there may not be a second chance. Most of my observation was done thro' the periscopes: too much machine-gunning over the top. Closed down occasionally when mortar became too concentrated around us.
We reached the crest...and there were the enemy running for cover...towards Eterville and the trees ahead. Our besa opened up...every bush and shrub: every tree: every haystack: anything and everything that could hide a body....was raked with machine gun fire.
Our infantry were now amongst and ahead of us...and soon, prisoners started to come in: odd couples of Jerrys popping up from the corn, hands raised...scared to death.
At least three haystacks were now on fire from our incendiary machine gun fire. The smoke from them was a bit of a nuisance, blowing across our front. Ahead, lay the trees immediately in front of Eterville: they were my worry. Jerry has a habit of concealing Tigers and Panthers in the woods. They usually open fire when we are too close to take evasive action...and one hit from an 88 at 400 yards....!
Very soon, we opened up with H.E. on the village...there were as yet no signs of any 88's. The infantry kept steadily on.....walking warily through the deep corn, but always going forward...forward. Our Besa fire passed over them, but it must have been uncomfortably close. Grand fellows those infantry lads: so brave and calm.
I felt terribly grateful towards them when I saw them amongst the trees: they would report any hidden A.T. guns and tanks. My vehicle was behaving well...and putting down smoke fire: crew worked splendidly: damned hard work too. And how we smoked cigarettes! Pedder solved the match problem by getting his lighter to work with gun buffer oil! And in the midst of an action! Mortars were still troublesome: as good as any air force to Jerry!
Time has no meaning during action: some time during the fight, Very lights were seen from the village, and we knew the infantry were "in": they had done a grand job and occupied the place with remarkable speed. We just remained on the high ground...keeping on the alert from any armour...and a possible counter-attack.
Meanwhile, the smoke was still literally pouring down on the left: B had done their job on the right, and now our front seemed reasonably safe: The tension was less acute...but always there was the mortar and snipers and the necessary vigil for lurking Tigers and Panthers.
Later, when the village had quietened down, we withdrew to original start point...and replenished our depleted ammo racks...the SSM was there waiting for us.
Mortar was now quite regular and all around us: we hadn't lost one in the action! Thank goodness it was over: we seemed to have been fighting for many hours...but it was only 10.00am.
And now we had time for a brew and a few biscuits and a little rest, in spite of continual mortaring. We were very exposed, in the middle of a large cornfield, but we couldn't withdraw further in case we were needed to repel a counter-attack. The hours passed...maybe two or three...and we were all hoping for the order to withdraw. My crew, in particular were dreadfully tired, having had no sleep the previous night owing to the breakdown. And the awful tension of the action had had its effect. And then...the colonel's voice over the air to the major: another "party" was being arranged for us: stand by for further action!! God! What dreadful depression!
Shortly, we learned about the "party".
A had passed through C and B to carry out a further attack to the south on Maltot...and things weren't going so well. It appeared that A had been hammered pretty badly. We were scheduled to launch a further attack on Maltot with fresh infantry. And we had been complimenting ourselves upon our neat little action in taking Eterville so quickly and without loss to ourselves. But now!?
Once again that terrible fear...Well....we went in...via scenes of recent action...dreadful scenes. As with Eterville, we plastered the woods around Maltot with machine gun fire and plenty of H.E. My gunner asked permission to have a go at the church spire, just visible above the hill crest: he was given permission, and got two lovely hits with H.E. – The steeple toppled. It might have harboured an enemy observer.
Once again, we were assisted by the artillery laying a grand smoke screen on our left flank. The infantry seemed to have little difficulty in entering the woods...and so down to the village. We did not follow: remaining on the high ground on the alert for enemy armour. We knew there were at least three Panthers in the village...or in the vicinity.
Occasional burst of machine-gun fire from enemy dug outs, and a few snipers, but we dealt with them. We must have passed an hour or two on that crest...and then came the major's voice over the air appealing to the Colonel for further assistance in the village for the infantry. Things seemed to happen rapidly: 3 S.P's were promised...but it seemed a poor response.
And then I noticed one of our tanks on fire. What on earth was happening? There were no signs of enemy on the hill, and our infantry were in the woods and village. It seemed like a counter-attack in force, judging by Major Holden's further appeal. He had somehow contacted the infantry commander.
Suddenly I heard some heavy gunfire...and the swish of shells. Hells Bells! My tank was being fired at. Two misses! Darned if I could see any gun flashes or tanks. I peered frantically through the periscope...there seemed to be at least one more tank in difficulties and several smaller vehicles on fire.
And then the major's voice...he wanted help...smoke. He got smoke...all of us poured it out as fast as we could. In a matter of seconds, our former peaceful hill crest was pretty well littered with burning vehicles, – and smoke...a dense fog. I noticed one or two nearby vehicles moving away, but where to? Soon I couldn't see a thing but smoke, but gave the driver orders to advance: better to go anywhere than stay and be shot up. Eventually found my way back to lower ground away from the danger zone...but I was still hazy about the situation. All the same, I felt convinced that something pretty bad had happened.
Very soon, infantry appeared running towards us...and away from Maltot. Were we withdrawing? Some sort of retreat seemed apparent. We were too far ahead to re-group and deploy for further action, so we withdrew to our laager north of Eterville...the latter being now well consolidated by the infantry.
And there we waited...being fiercely mortared meanwhile. Ultimately, and without warning, we turned about and withdrew...accompanied by terrific mortar fire: it seemed certain that we were under observation, so accurate was the mortaring.
Through Verson...and fields and orchards and lanes to a point about 2 miles north-west of Verson. A rather hectic journey and rather bewildering. Arrived after dark – in a field – our final halt for the day.
My crew had been in the tank almost continuously for about 28 hours! And no meal in the period: but we had biscuits, and one "brew up". Heard alarming rumours about casualties etc. but things were too obscure to worry about. Bed was imperative. Rolled myself in a couple of blankets, and slept beneath the tank".
Ronnie Holden commanded C Squadron throughout the whole day with one break, which he describes:
"In the afternoon C Squadron were alerted to attack Maltot in support of 4 Dorsets. As far as I could see there were two options:
to obey orders and support the infantry into Maltot
to attack the enemy tanks which dominated Maltot
I chose the second option and set out from higher ground to the new sight that we had of the Tigers. Here I got a direct hit in Incredible's engine which promptly caught fire: CO2 bottle to the rescue, fire out, but only half an engine. Coinciding with this set-back I received a message by scout car ordering me to report personally to the Commander of 43 Div (Major-General Ivor Thomas) at once. So into the scout car, but not before giving orders to pin the Tigers from hull down positions about 150 yards back from even higher ground. The ride to Div HQ was quite a way and my meeting with General Thomas was further delayed by the arrival of the Corps Commander.
After my meeting with the generals I had to report back to our Colonel, Paddy Everard, and so took no further part in the action at Maltot which ended with disastrous consequences. Two lessons are to be learned from this:
never reinforce failure
never take a squadron leader away from his squadron during a battle he has been given to fight".
4.2 >After Jupiter: 11-25 July 1944
The broad picture
The 43rd Wessex Division remained on Hill 112 and the ridge with furious counter-attacks from Germans and British alternately. The Churchills of 31 Tank Brigade were in place further north of the ridge to repel German advances over the ridge.
Montgomery continued to hammer at different parts of the German front, and the next major effort was towards the ridge to the west of 112. The 15th Scottish plus a brigade of Royal Welsh Fusiliers (53 Div) with 34 Tank Brigade in support executed Operation Greenline. This had as its objectives the villages of Esquay, Evrecy, Gavrus and Bougy. The latter two were taken, the former two not; but the Germans were kept busy and engaged from 15 to 18 July. During this time preparations were being made for Operation Goodwood, a thrust to the south on the eastern side of Caen. This was made by all three armoured divisions at that time in Normandy, 7th, 11th, and Guards; it started on 18 July.
The attack was preceded by a massive air bombardment. But the Germans had very effective anti-tank forces in depth, and the British tanks ground to a blazing halt on 20 July.
On that day, far away to the east, a bomb exploded at 1242 hrs. Adolf Hitler did not die, but the repercussions of the explosion caused uncertainties and hesitations to run down the chain of the German higher command. In a short time this showed benefits to the allied forces, but not to the Canadians who assaulted the Verrieres ridge in Operation Spring on 25 July. Sixty men of the Royal Hamilton Light Infantry reached the summit, 15 came back, and 342 lay dead or wounded on the ridge's forward slopes. It was much the same for the other Canadian units.
But on this same day the allied strategy triumphed. Goodwood might have been a tactical failure, but strategically it succeeded. The Germans, expecting a further assault, brought in fresh troops from east of the Seine and shifted a Panzer division east from the Caumont sector. There were now seven panzer and seven infantry divisions facing fourteen British divisions, while twenty-one American divisions faced two panzer, one panzer grenadier, and six infantry divisions. Operation Cobra was launched at Saint-Lô on 25 July. During the period 11-25 July 9 RTR as part of 31 Tank Brigade remained in a counter-attack role, mainly just north of the Hill 112 – Chateau de Fontaine ridge.
The War Diary
July 11/12
Battalion remained in the same location north-east of Mouen, obtaining reinforcements and replacements which included ten Mark VII Churchills, at the same time standing by to assist 7 RTR who were still in the area Hill 112 in a counter-attack role. Major P.N. (Berry) Veale, M.C., was promoted and transferred to be CO of 7 RTR, who had lost both their CO and 2 i/c on 10 July.
July 13 to 16
Battalion moved to Les Saullets just north of Cheux to rest, and on the night of July 16 moved to relieve 7 RTR in counter-attack role at Chateau de Fontaine and Hill 112. 129 Brigade (43 Div) were the infantry in that area. Battalion moved into position in the area of Gournay at last light, and all crews began digging deep holes in which to sleep.
Just after 2300 hours, following mortar and shell fire, the harbour area was machine-gunned and bombed by six Junkers 88's. The CO, Lt-Col Paddy Everard, was wounded in the head and back, Trooper Stan Agar was killed, and Troopers Bell, Edmunds, Sharpe and Wright were wounded, as well as L/Cpl Cunningham and Cpl Cove. Major Bob Warren took over command.
Shelling and mortaring continued throughout the night.
July 17
At first light HQ, B and C Squadrons moved out to an area about one mile due north of Hill 112, squadrons deployed with two troops up. Mortaring continued throughout the day, and in retaliation a shoot was carried out by all 75 and 95mm guns, resulting in the silencing of a machine-gun that had been worrying the infantry.
An SP was forced to disclose its position and infantry reported a Panther set on fire, but no confirmation was available. At 1930 hrs a further shoot was made on the centre of St. Martin which drew heavy retaliation from enemy mortars resulting in three minor casualties.
Jul 18/19
Very similar to July 17 – intervals of mortar and shell fire. Recces and plans were made for counter-attack roles. Shoot carried out on a wood on Hill 112 reported to harbour three Tigers. Lt-Col P.N. Veale was transferred back from 7 RTR and assumed command of the Battalion.
July 21
At 1430 hrs an enemy counter-attack threatened and B Squadron moved up to the crest to give moral support to the infantry. Heavy mortaring resulted in Major Bob Warren being wounded in the right hand and side, his wireless -operator Sgt. Mick Tito having his right hand blown off, and Cpl Reg Southern and Bert Wilcox also being wounded.
No counter-attack developed, but a party towed away a number of dead cows whose stench did more to lower morale than persistent mortaring and shelling.
7 RTR were brought up into the area to attack Maltot corresponding with a Canadian attack on Etavaux. Following the attack and corresponding with a Canadian attack on St. Andre sur Orne 9 RTR were ordered to be prepared to attack Feuguerolles sur Orne and St. Martin.
July 22
1815 hrs. Support given to 7 RTR attack on Maltot with 75 and 95mm fire aimed at nebelwerfers in area 70 ring contour just north of St. Martin. First shoot drew heavy mortaring but there was no reply to the second shoot. During this time Major Holden got mixed up with his slidex and reported "dead". Persisting in this report, he was advised to call skeleton O groups.
[Note: Slidex was a system for coding map references and other information to keep them secure from the enemy].
July 23/25
The intensity of mortaring and shelling decreased and a further shoot was carried out on an 88 located on Hill 112, but no further orders were received concerning attack on Feuguerolles and St. Martin. On 25 July, after watching rocket-firing Typhoons brassing up enemy position south of Caen, the Battalion received orders to move to Fontenay Le Pesnil.
After nine days of air attack at night and shelling and mortaring at all times during the day and night, no one was sorry to leave.
The attack on Feuguerolles and St. Martin which was to have been done down a valley dominated on both sides by enemy positions had not promised to be the best of adventures either.
Personal recollections 11-25 July
The War Diary records the continuous bombardment of the area just north and east of Hill 112. This was a constant theme in all the accounts of these few days. John Hodges:
"16 July:
We moved up at dusk to take over a counter-attack role from 7 RTR at Gournay just north of pt 112. Here we remained until 26th July, losing each day three or four men from mortar fire. During the whole of this period the place was mortared and shelled all day long and we lived in holes beneath the tanks. At night there was always a visit from German bombers and heavy shelling, so one way or another there was little sleep. On the first night we had hardly stopped the engines before the bombers were over dropping flares and bombs. One landed between the CO's tank and mine. He was underneath his with two of the crew. One was killed and the CO badly spattered with shrapnel and was evacuated. Geoff Brewer, who was standing on top of the CO's tank, was blown off but suffered little more than a severe shaking!
Altogether it was a most unpleasant night and our casualties were four killed and a score injured. I joined forces with Bob Warren who took over command. On the 19th July Berry Veale came back to us as CO from 7 RTR.
B Squadron had to go forward as a counter-attack was reported. A mortar bomb fell on Bob Warren's operator's flaps making a pretty good mess of Sergeant Tito. Bob wasn't too bad but will probably lose a couple of fingers. Mike Reynell took over B Squadron".
During the shoots carried out by the Battalion between 22 and 24 July the Recce Officers of the Squadrons acted as forward observation officers. Taffy Leyshon explains how it was with C Squadron:
"Hill 112 all the tanks were lined up as if ready for attack, no camouflage, shelling and mortaring morning, noon and night. C Squadron HQ Troop had Major Holden's and Capt Link's 95mm howitzers. Capt Kidd who was my officer had a scout car and a tank. Once I drove the scout car with Trooper Patchett towards the German lines and hid behind a knocked out tank. Capt Kidd then crawled out with field glasses and intercom and sent messages to Patchett; Major Holden's tank would fire a shot, two adjustments then Capt Kidd crawled back. Get out quick he said.
We used the gun next day to support an infantry patrol. A spandau machine gun opened up on them, Major Holden was in communication with the officer, and three shots put the spandau out".
Jock Cordiner was upset and embarrassed by mortars:
"Mortar bombs gave me the creeps. On Hill 112 I had gone some 200 yards to the loo, that delightful hole in the middle of nowhere topped with a wooden seat and surrounded by a canvas screen. No sooner was I comfortable than a moaning minnie attack started. I dashed for cover, my pants around my legs and my shirt tail flapping in the breeze, jeered and cheered by half the squadron. Just before that, while still with HQ, Brad and I had dug holes and were asleep behind the lines. It was raining hard and our holes were sodden, but safe. We were awakened by the Duty Officer and ordered to drive to Hill 112 with something very urgent. We were groping our way along the black lanes when a severe air attack started. We both dived out of the Humber into a ditch on top of a few startled infantrymen. When the raid moved on we did also. As we came uphill towards the tanks a bomb or shell caught an ammunition dump just off the road and almost simultaneously another hit a fuel dump on the other side of the road. We were silhouetted, roasted, and in severe danger of being blown apart. I never knew a Humber could be driven so fast".
In the confusion of this sort of action, and because of casualties and transfers, it happened sometimes that people were left very much to their own devices. Almost invariably they did their very best to get back to where they could be useful. Jack Woods:
"My next taste of action was during the Maltot battle. After a lengthy journey seemingly all over the bridgehead the echelon decided to laager in a field strewn with enemy slit trenches, guess what? surprise, surprise, we were heavily stonked, suffering casualties including some fatalities so off we went again on another joy-ride finally catching up with the tanks where they had laagered for the night and servicing them in the dark. The next day, I was off again, this time to Brigade Workshops with a tank requiring an engine change and where I was instructed to stay with it until it was repaired. Needless to say nobody else had heard of that order and once the A.R.V. had dumped me in a field near the workshops, I was forgotten about for a day or two, eating and sleeping with the fitters and nobody the least bit concerned about who I was and what I was doing there and where for all anybody cared I could have nicely sat out the rest of the war. I soon got cheesed off with that however, there was nowhere to go as everything was mined so I reported in for further orders much to the surprise of the R.E.M.E. bods who quickly shipped me off to the Forward Delivery Squadron".
Sitting on the reverse slope of Hill 112 was not a totally painful recollection for everyone. John Stone remembered two items connected with food:
"At one place round there we were in a potato field. All we had to do to get fresh spuds was to do a neutral turn in the field, and hey presto, a bucketful. Somehow we seemed to have plenty of time to experiment with food. The compo packs (a box containing tinned and similar food for fifteen men for one day) were really quite good. There was a problem with the tea, however. A tin contained pre-mixed powdered tea, powdered milk and powdered sugar. The question was, how to brew it? The tea needed infusing and the milk simmering, and a proper compromise seemed unattainable. We tried all sorts of ways, but our favourite was to brew it for 30 minutes, and then add three spoonfuls of sugar per cup. The original Sergeant-Major's tea!"
Trevor Greenwood describes some of the food his crew obtained, and then the problem of disposing of the end product.
"Boiled chicken for lunch: didn't have any myself. Have no stomach for local poultry or livestock. Everything seems diseased and lifeless, but this must be my imagination. My four colleagues really enjoyed the chicken....with boiled potatoes, grown locally. Most of the crews now seem to have a dead chicken hanging on their tanks. There are many more running wild in nearby village, also many tame rabbits. Know of at least one crew, in B, who have shot a young calf...and had veal!
Believe we are moving "in" again this evening: to relieve 7th who are standing by on Hill 112. Troop officers out on reccy this morning. Have done a reccy myself, with Bill Geary. Neither of us are partial to "rears" in full view of everyone. And our present lav. is about the worst we have had so far. We explored the ruined village...but too many troops about. Went as far as a wood half a mile away...but everywhere there are troops, hoards of them. Eventually, we had to swallow our pride...and perform very publicly. I was amused by the easy going manner in which my crew solved the urinary problem on Monday during the action. We were several hours at a stretch inside the vehicle...and even back in the forward rally, it was really dangerous to leave the vehicle owing to mortar and snipers. The problem was solved by using a small empty oil tin...this being passed up to me for emptying through the hatch, at intervals.
At one of those forward rallys, I had a more urgent need, and simply had to leave the tank. I crawled beneath the rear with a spade and dug a hole...I felt fairly safe from mortar...but just as I was hitching up my pants, there came the ominous "whining", followed by crashes dangerously near. I simply dived head first further beneath the tank...and stayed there, literally with my pants down!"
CHAPTER 5: BREAK OUT
5.1 Break-out from the bridgehead
The broad picture
On 25 July the Americans launched Operation Cobra at Saint Lô. The attack was preceded by a bombardment of the German positions by 3000 aircraft, and was itself on a six-thousand-yard front with an assault force of three infantry, one motorized, and two armoured divisions.
The first day's advance was slow, but by nightfall US VII Corps Commander, General "Lightning Joe" Collins, guessed that his corps was practically through the German defences. Early next morning he launched his exploiting force, and here began a campaign of rapid movement. By 30 July VII Corps had reached Avranches, nearly 40 miles from Saint Lô, and through this gap poured General George Patton's 3rd US Army, fanning out west, south, and east. By 6 Aug Patton was approaching Le Mans.
To attempt to stem this flood the Germans transferred forces from the eastern or British sector of the bridgehead, and to keep the pressure on the Germans Montgomery attacked south from the area of Caumont in the direction of Vire on 30 July. Another prong of this attack by the 43rd Wessex was directed south east, and on 6 Aug the commanding height of Mont Pinçon was taken. Further to the east again the 59th British Infantry (Staffordshire) Division was directed to establish a bridgehead across the River Orne in the area of Goupillieres, north of Thury-Harcourt. This they did on the evening of 6 Aug.
The War Diary
26 Jul:
After a night march the Battalion concentrated at Fontenay le Pesnil and here came under command 59 Div. The Battalion had the task of supporting 176 Infantry Brigade in counter-attack roles on four positions: Haut de Bosq, Rauray, Point 126 and Brettevillette.
The country in this area had been heavily mined by the enemy and, consisting of small fields bounded by thick hedgerows and ditches, was undoubtedly the most difficult tank country that the Battalion had yet encountered. The field of vision was generally less than 100 yards and in any deployed movement there could not be any visual contact between troops. Large tree stumps, torn and gashed by shell-fire, together with the deep ditches provided natural tank obstacles.
It was essential that each area was very carefully reconnoitred so that should an emergency arise each tank commander would know beforehand the exact line of advance of each tank. These areas were under constant shell and mortar fire, which added to the difficulties, and at 1800 hrs B Squadron suffered a most unfortunate disaster.
The troop leaders of this squadron went forward for a rendezvous with Major Reynell, who was then making his plan just north of Brettevillette. Dismounting from the half-track an S-mine was exploded, resulting in the deaths of Lieut Smart, Lieut Wolskel, and Sgt Nicholls. Lieut Beale and Lieut Cargill were wounded and the latter died in hospital a few days later.
31 July
The reconnaissance and forming of plans for these counter-attack roles lasted four days and on 31 July a demonstration was given by two troops of C Squadron with a company of 7 Norfolks of the method that had been adopted in clearing this type of country.
Since 29 July 197 Brigade (59 Div) had been patrolling in strength, sometimes assisted by tanks of 7 RTR. The general impression gained from prisoners of war was that the enemy were withdrawing under the pressure of concentrated artillery fire, together with lack of food, sleep and at times ammunition.
1 Aug
1700 hrs: orders were received that 59 Div with 31 Tank Brigade in support would capture point 213, 1 mile north east of Villers Bocage on the road to Caen.
The main plan was in two phases:
Phase 1: 197 Brigade with two squadrons of 7 RTR in support and two troops of C Squadron 22 Dragoons under command to feel forward and contact the enemy
Phase 2: On contact, attack to be made with two brigades up
Right: 176 Brigade with 9 RTR in support
Left: 177 Brigade with one squadron 7 RTR in support 26 squadron ARE, 2 troops 22 Dragoons and 304 Anti-Tank SPRA under command.
9 RTR plan was as follows:
To attack with two squadrons up supporting two battalions.
Right: C Squadron in support of 7 Norfolks with flail and AVRE support
Left: A Squadron in support of 7 S. Staffs with flail and AVRE support
B Squadron with 6 N. Staffs to give right flank protection while one squadron 7 RTR secured the left flank by attacking area point 142.
2/3 Aug
197 Brigade continued to patrol forward, meeting little oppositi
Guys guys...why are you doing this? Why do you anatomize this so much? No offense, but you all act like you were in WW2. And Im sure you weren´t. I have nothing against discussions like this, but this is too much. And what more, useless. I know it is hard to find authentic source which says truth but something you say here is only wild theories. I hope you catch the point of my reply. (By the way, 17 pd gun with APDS-SV shell have better penetration than KwK43 - if we talk clearly only about penetration. I havent energy to reply at all of your opinions, sorry)
Look at the dates of the posts Praga, this was 2 years ago. Thread dead and buried long ago.
FLYBOYJ
"THE GREAT GAZOO"
Sorry pal, but that's what makes this site so unique and as long as the discussion is civil we welcome the detailed discussion as well as strong opinions. You're welcomed to stay but if you're offended or really don't like what you see, click the escape button on your computer and move on.
From your friendly moderator.
Kurfürst
Staff Sergeant
Hi,
German armor specifications were standardized for the the duration of the war, with different specifications existing for different armor plate thickness.
In case of the Tiger II, the armor type specs E40 of March 1944, E41 of June 44 (125-160mm plates) and E43 (165-200mm, also June specifications) can be applied.
Armor composition and alloys, in %:
E 40 (March 1944, 125-160mm)
C = 0.32-0.42
Mn = 0.30-0.65
Si = 0.15 - 0.50
Cr = 2.00 - 2.40
Ni = -
Mo = 0.15 - 0.30
V = -
P&S = ~0
E 41 (June 1944, 125-160mm)
C = 0.30-0.40
Mn = 0.60-0.90
Si = 0.20 - 0.50
Cr = 2.30 - 2.70
Ni = 1.00 - 1.50
Mo = 0
V = < 0.15
P&S = ~0
E 43 (March 1944, 165-200mm)
C = 0.28-0.33
Mn = 0.60-0.90
Si = 0.15 - 0.50
Cr = 2.80 - 3.20
Ni = 0.90 - 1.10
Mo = 0
V = -
P&S = ~0
So it would it would appear to me that Manganese was used at all time, and in higher content in later plates, which also added nickel and vanadium as an alloy. The thickest plates used less nickel (which may be related to that nickel IIRC hardens the steel and this isn't advantagous with very thick plates, which should rather be softer/tougher than harder/more brittle), and especially higher amounts of cromium.
The use of vanadium is interesting. AFAIK Vanadium is a very expensive and one of the most effective alloying element, and the Germans probably relied on this expensive alloy because of the more limited availabilty of less expensive alloys.
Matt308
Glock Perfection
Attachments
Matt308
Glock Perfection
It wasn't the fact that the thread is old. It is the fact that your first post in a forum about WWII military technologies was condescending and off-putting. You chastise forum members for carrying on a discussion that includes too much technical minutia, then you follow it up with your own technical "factoid".
Your comments are welcome. Your insults are not. Stick around and contribute. You might even learn something.
Your comments are welcome. Your insults are not. Stick around and contribute. You might even learn something.
Hello to all ¡
According to a lot of IS2 Obr1944 (aka straight glacis) inspected after the war in Museums as well as some destroyed and inspected/captured in Berlin by US and British forces, the glacis doesn´t have 120 mm of thickness, It only (nominally by the own factories) has 90 mm at 60º in welded glacis and 100 mm at 60º (varying betwen 95 to 105 mm) in casted steel glacis. This thickness in the drawing is not correct for the last model.
Only the IS2 Obr1943 (aka, the steped glacis) had 120 mm of thickness, and only in a very reduced portion, inclined at only 30º. I hope this may help.
Best regards
According to a lot of IS2 Obr1944 (aka straight glacis) inspected after the war in Museums as well as some destroyed and inspected/captured in Berlin by US and British forces, the glacis doesn´t have 120 mm of thickness, It only (nominally by the own factories) has 90 mm at 60º in welded glacis and 100 mm at 60º (varying betwen 95 to 105 mm) in casted steel glacis. This thickness in the drawing is not correct for the last model.
Only the IS2 Obr1943 (aka, the steped glacis) had 120 mm of thickness, and only in a very reduced portion, inclined at only 30º. I hope this may help.
Best regards
Wikipedia has a photo of a B with a front turret penetration, likely a 17-pounder.
Belton Cooper's book described the fate of a B which had its turret blown off by a US 155mm self-propelled howitzer firing at point blank range. That gun (and other big artillery pieces) could knock out the B at very long ranges by plunging projectiles into the relatively thin roof armor.
An M36 knocked out a Panther at 4000 yards and a Tiger B would have be vulnerable, too, as both had relatively light roof armor and the projectiles would be plunging into it at steep arcs.
Too bad for the Soviets they didn't have their IS3 ready in time; its frontal armor was so formidable that in the 1967 war, the Israelis had to close to 500 yards to penetrate it with their space-age L7 105mms firing high-tech ammunition. Good luck with a Kwk 43.
Shortround6
Major General
At 4000 yds the descent angle would be small. unless the German tank was caught driving down a steep hill the impact angle would would be under 10 degrees from the horizontal.
