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...well, it has never stopped You before...I see that you are beginning to include derogatory statements about knowledge and credibility. I am going to assume that I can do the same
Obvious is that you have a selective perception.It is obvious that you have an agenda here, which does not include finding the truth.
You are free to do this. But to take the sources without critisizing well known differences in definitions is not going to give Your points more weight. I have not the knowledge for all the ships in question for these details, but I do have the knowlegde for some of them and I certainly know of how different things are if You compare these issues properly. I have also presented You literature to fill the gaps in Your knowledge. If there is one thing I don´t like than it´s your selective perception on this, not the sources.Unless we are going to spend six months studying the individual characteristics of each ship, and the conditions under which their published endurances are arrived at, I suggest that we simply rely on the published figures. The boiler state certainly is an issue, but so too is the sea state, the salinity of the water, the numbers of speed changes made etc etc. The true endurance figures are NOT just limited by the selective grazing that you are wanting to engage in, and I am not that interested to go through a full six month detailed study to do the job properly.
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I would suggest that the sources (there are more than one, incidentally) are reasonably accurate, but that they are saying things that are not to your liking.
Of course, the north Atlantic nowadays can be described as little marine littoral waters....Yep your english is bad, read the post properly. Mounting patrols into the north Atlantic, from ports in the north Atlantic, is not mounting a patrol in distant waters. n order to do that they would need to mount patrols into oceans that are not adjacent to their bases.
Produce the evidence that the french could do the same. Patrols into the North Atlantic for a few days or weeks do not qulaify. If you can produce the evidence of the patrols, fine, we will discuss the issue, if you cant, and you cant produce the edurance comparisons, and wont accept the published figures, than the current state of play and observed results must win, ie, the british could undertake distant patrols, and the French could not.
Inaccurate. Not the armour belt, the spaces are important! The correct statement would differentiate between exposed and embedded vitals in the first place and in the second (embedded vitals) would define vitals as spaces necessary to keep ship controll, mobility, stability and floatation. The main belt does not define the vitals!!! As a matter of fact, the main belt may or may not be limited in coverage to the spacial extensions of the vitals (waterline armour to differing degrees), depending on the choosen armour scheme. Only very few all-or-nothing armour schemes show a direct connection between embedded vitals and main belt.The context of this whole conversation, as i recall, was what constute vitals. The accepted definition of this are those parts of the ship that are protected by the main belt.
Wrong. Vitals which are placed outside the thick armour protection are described as unprotected vitals. Check the various discussion about the different designs for the later Lexington-class BC for this, where a number of boilers were placed outside the main belt. The armour protection has little to do with what vitals are. Spaces necessary for ship controll, stability, mobility and floatation do not BECOME VITAL just because a belt is placed around them! There are dozens of cruisers which were virtually unprotected by belt armour, nevertheless they all had their vitals.Those parts of the ship outside the the protective belt are not considered within the "vitals" by naval architects.
You did to a challanging degree. You postulated that hits on -what I called- "exposed vitals" will not be linked to the destruction of the ship, while hits on the -what I called- "embedded vitals" are generally linked to their destruction. I oppose such a view. The linkage for both cases is a loose one for any meaningful comparison. Embedded and exposed vitals have different purposes, but both are necessary to keep a warship operational and when naval architects decided to protect both by heavy armour, it was in order to keep their abilities as long as possible under fire, not in order to define their vitals.And you are right that hits even to the vital areas are not necessarily going to lead to the automatic loss of the ship. I never emphatically stated either case.
In the case of the Bismarck, her upper works were not within her "vitals", because they were not protected by the belt. Moreover, the british could not penetrate the belt, and could not reduce her to sinking condition as a result of that.
I wouldn´t call Tovey a liar but what is seriously in doubt is Your credibility. The relevant sources are ADM 234/321 and ADM 234/509 for the british side and Müllenheim Rechenberg account as the surviving AO for the german side. Just in case You really want to know...I am basing my account on the final report to the Admiralty by Tovey, which is good enough for me. You will have to start calling Tovey a liar , which i suspect will be easy for someone like yourself, but i am not prepared to do that
He does never say that bismarck was only able to fire off 6 rounds with her main battery.83. The range was now 20.000 yards and decreasing rapidly, the general trend of the enemy's course being directly towards us. Shortly after our turn to the southward, the Bismarck shifted her fire to the King George V. By 0905 both the King George V and the Rodney had their secondary armaments in action. At this stage the effect of our gunfire was difficult to assess, as hits by armour-piercing shell are not easily seen; but after half an hour of action the Bismarck was on fire in several places and virtually out of control. Only one of her turrets remained in action and the fire of this and her secondary armament was wild and erratic. But she was still steaming.
84. Some interference from our own funnel and cordite smoke had been experienced, and at 0917 the course of the battlefleet was altered towards the enemy and right round to north, the Rodney again anticipating the signal. When the turn had been completed, the lines of fire of the King George V and Rodney were approximately at right angles; a heavy volume of fire could be produced without interference in spotting between the two ships. The Dorsetshire had been firing intermittently since 0902 from the other side of the enemy, as had the Norfolk from her flank marking position.
85. In order to increase the rate of hitting, the battleships continued to close, the range eventually coming down to 3,300 yards. By 1015 the Bismarck was a wreck, without a gun firing, on fire fore and aft and wallowing more heavily every moment. Men could be seen jumping overboard, preferring death by drowning in the stormy sea to the appalling effects of our fire. I was confident that the Bismarck, could never get back to harbour and that it was only a matter of hours before she would sink.
I said that tovey sent two signals at around 1024 to Somerville advising that he could not sink the bismarck with gunfire alone. Del then twisted that to say that I had claimed that the British in their signal had advised on the number of shells fired by the bismarck. I never said that, what I did say was that another source (Barnett) advised that after 0904 the Bismarck only shot off 6 more rounds from her main armament. At 0931 this source then says that the Bismarcks batteries fell completely silent.
Another source that I have says that just two rounds were fired by the Bismarck at the british after 0904, but that four further rounds were fired, essentially in the air.
I am basing my account on the final report to the Admiralty by Tovey, which is good enough for me. You will have to start calling Tovey a liar
I got a very violent reaction to that, because it challenges the myths that surround the bismarck. All of a sudden the tone changed in the exchange. i was at once a liar, didnt know what I was talking about, etc etc, I strongly suspect because I had dared attack the invincibility of the sacred cow
unfortunately, i do know my history and tactics very well, and what you are engaging in, perhaps without realizing it, is classic revisionism. You take a bucket of white paint, and add a teaspoon of black paint, you still have white paint. Add a hundred teaspoons of black paint, and all of a sudden you have at least dark grey paint. This is what you are engaging in. You want history to read a certain way, so you add a bit of detailed knowledge here and there, and all of a sudden you can show that the historical truth isnt trrue anymore...its wonderful isnt it!!!
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Nor do i believe you are all that interested in reaching the true truth. I believe you are a very sophisticated revisionist, but a revisionist just the same
At first, Barnett is no source, his work the charackter of a scholarely work. Neither was he an eyewitness nor did his work compiled and published source materialI believe i made clear references to the source (Barnett) at that time. the references to Tovey came later, and were not really relating to the number of hits at all
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I cant find my direct references to Tovey.
You never cease to surprise me! Bismarck was firing erratic, uncoordinated and with significantly reduced effectivity after 1904. But not two hit´s were responsible for this. The two aforementioned hits (it could be only one or even three, we don´t know for sure) just disabled B-turret and temporarely A as well. This was not the lone cause for her degraded ability after 1904. You failed to mention hits on the main and secondary firecontroll as well as on the CT, all of which contributed to the decreased performance. The disabling of the main rangefinder position were probably more critical in this regard than the disabling of the fore turrets.but we should at least be able to agree that her fire after 0904 was erratic. I also dont think it any sort of stretch to say her fire after 0904 was weak. I believe it was weak and erratic, to the extent that she only fired off an additional 6 rounds from 0904 onwards, and that some of these were basically fired into the air. Maybe it was more, dont know, not as sure as I was awhile ago. But I do remain certain that Bismarck had been reduced to basic impotence by the 0904 timeslot, which is a very short space of time, and by your account after only two hits by heavy guns.
I understand the difference between primary and secondary sources is not defined in english the same way it is in german. I apologize, You couldn´t know it without having at least a BA in contemporary history.So now you are saying that secondary sources are not to be consulted, and are not proper sources. I am the first to acknowledge that a primary source is better than a secondary source, but this is the first time I have ever heard anyone say (in this case without even having read that source) that a secondary source is "no source". I would say its revisionism hard at work again....
And I still believe you are attempting to hide the truth, and replace it with your own.
An improved statement, which I am happy to see.I believe she got off only 6 rounds between 0904 and 0931, but I concede that the precise number of hits may be wrong (as I had pointed out from the very start my own sources seemed to be conflicting themselves, to the extent that one source suggested only two rounds, the other six.
I don´t suggest, I understand that one of these turrets recommenced fire after 09:04. This fire cannot be described as effective because the turret was by then under local controll. How this can be considered as revisionism in Your definition is interesting to know because this is known for long and is based on Müllenheim-Rechenbergs and Statz account. Primary sources which You have been ignorant towards.Revisionism at work again!!!Are you suggesting that either one of these turrets recommenced effective fire after 0904.? And by your own account, the number of hits sustained before 0904 was about three from memory, which accords to barnetts account.
Without having a detailed understanding of the action, You are prone to draw uncorrelated conclusions. BTW, it was You who said that Bismarck was silenced with destructions on the upper works rather than "penetrations". This was inaccurate at best, as hits on the exposed vitals -while not behind belt armour- were still shielded by thick armour protection (generally thicker than the belt armour), requiring a sort of penetration. Short range penetrating hits on the exposed vitals are responsible for the loss of offensive abilities on Bismarck.The context of the discussion was whether the hits were main belt penetrations. Are you now trying to suggest that the Fire control positions, or the CT were behind the Main Belt???? The discussion was never meant to be a detailed blow by blow account of every hit on the ship.
Never said that. Your interpretation, not mine. Rather contrary, it´s better to know what You know and I do not know Barnett. You pointed to the Barnett - Tovey relationship, which I recognize don´t match the (primary) sources. Whether ot not this is correct depends on the context in barnett and Your interpretation / selection of it.(according to barnett, whom you now say I cannot rely on…yeah right)
What kind of revised history did I ever produced here on this board? I know that the sequence of events leading to the final action doesn´t start or end with hits at 09:04. It starts with a critical 14" hit at Denmark street, depriving a good deal of her fuel reserves, continued with successful shadowing (to differing degrees) and was completed with a torpedo hit in the steering gear, immobilizing Bismarck effectively. The DD night attacks and the seastate prevented that the damage could be repaired (Bismarck couldn´t afford to stop for repairs) and what happened on the final fight is a good reflection for a demoralized and exhousted crew on Bismarck facing overwhelming odds. Of course, it also is testimony for how british forces were able to use their superior forces (n^2) to the greatest tactical effect, an issue which unjustifyedly gets little credit.I agree, but the fact remains that after 0904 the bismarck could not recover, for whatever reason, and that unfortunate chain of events seems to have started with just one or two hits. I have no doubts that if the pressure on the Bismarck had been stopped or reduced, the bismarck might have staged some sort of recovery. But this is revisionism at work again. The facts are that Bismarcks fall to oblivion started at 0904, with no real recovery and that hit(s) at 0904 were responsible for the lions share of damage that silenced the Bismarck. You yourself have hinted at that, but of course that does not any longer fit with the revised version of history that you are now so ardently pursuing.
This interpretation and the consequences drawn from it are testimony for a poor methodology. In your words, this is revisionism at best! The relationship You established here is a loose one. Not the failure of systems were responsible for her demise but the condition she was put into before commencing the fight. You think -that is the consequence- that without these hits Bismarck would not suffer demise, which I and every author disagrees in. Bismarck was unable to steer, short on fuel, the crew exhousted and demoralized with Lütjens speech. There were other british forces in the area as well. No way that Bismarck could make port.which is one of the reasons that I consider the bismarck to be a generally poor design. Reason, because in her second big fight there was a rapid failure of systems that led directly to her demise