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The Luftwaffe attacked both battleships to split their fire (both received minor damage) and the RN force around the carrier was reduced to only the two BBs, WARSPITE, VALIANT, ILLUSTRIOUS, and destroyers NUBIAN, DAINTY and GREYHOUND and only Nubian had an AA FC system. The other RN forces in the area were screening the Malta Convoy. The radar system did not detect the attack and there was only 3 minutes warning from sighting the Lufwaffe force to first bomb hits. When Illustrious turned into the wind to launch her remaining Fulmars she also moved away from the slower BBs.
In later attacks against Illustrious the fleet formed a more concentrated formation, but not during the initial attack.
Only when radar came into play could interceptions reach a high level of success.
Now even 2 BBs, even if Warspite's AA wasn't so powerful but Valiant's was very powerful, best what RN could offer, and 3 DDs wasn't a minimal AA screen. And Adm Conningham believed that he had a ring-side seat to watch the attack, the professionialism of which he greatly admired. And he was on the bridge of Warspite, so the ship couldn't have been so far away. And if 10 out of 43 Stukas attacked the BBs, it was a question of tactics used and also meant that there were 10 Stukas less to attack Illustrious, not of the size of the AA screen.
Illustrious was badly damaged but saved by her AFD, so this is an example of the RN's insistence on passive defence paying off. $hit happens - thank god for AFDs! Also, the Luftwaffe threw almost as many DBs, armed with 1100lb bombs against Illustrious, as the USN flew against 4 carriers at Midway. Apparently the Fulmars were able to break up the last part of the first attack and probably prevented more hits and they intervened again (now based in Malta) during a 2nd attack by 15 Stukas, escorted by 5 Me-110s several hours later, and this along with a concentrated AA screen keep the Stukas to only one 1100 lb bomb hit.
It is also an example of how even radar GCI could still fail as the detection ability was still inadequate at that time (aircraft were not detected soon enough but this is still a bit of mystery to me) and However as we've seen the Martlet ( the only other Allied folding wing fighter but not yet available) had a climb rate little better than the Fulmar (and probably worse using military/combat power), and as I stated earlier the design of Illustrious' lifts prevented her from operating fixed wing fighters and there's no way that folding wing Seafires could have been ready by then. Probably the only way the attack could have been thwarted was by having a standing patrol that had the good fortune to sight the attack and/or by the GCI guessing that the carrier was the primary target.
FAA air defence and fleet AA defence was also hampered due to the fact that the Luftwaffe and RA had multiple targets (the nearby Malta bound convoy) which were strategically more important than the carrier, and so the RN AA escort for Illustrious was very minimal. In the Pacific, the carriers were the always the central target and the fleet was arraigned around them and not a bunch of 15 knot merchantmen.
Why did the USN need to build such heavy SS fighters?
Aircraft, Fuel load, nominal bomb load,weight (no bombs full fuel), TO HP, combat HP.
F6F-5, 250usg, 2000lb, 12500lb, 2000hp, 2135hp @ 15000ft
F4U-1C, 237usg, 2000lb, 12,095lb, 2000hp, 2135hp @ 15000ft
Firefly, 226usg, 2000lb, 11685lb, 1720hp, 1490hp @ 14000ft
P-51, 184usg, ?????, 9500lb, 1495hp, 1595hp @ 17000ft
XF8F, 150usg, ?????, 8810lb, 2100hp, 1600hp @ 1600lb (attempt to build lightweight naval fighter - not CV capable.)
F8F-2, 170usg, 2000lb, 10,337lb, 2250hp, 1800hp @ 23250ft (SAC data actual weight after mod for carrier capability - note the weight growth)
P-51D 270usg, 1000lb, 10,100lb, 1490hp, 1630hp @ 13600ft (Tac planning chart 26 May 1944)
(weight, HP and fuel data for first 5 from Report of the JFC). It is pretty obvious that the Firefly's performance is crippled not by the 2nd crew member but by the low HP rating of it's engine.
Why did the USN need to build such heavy SS fighters?
It might be possible under still air conditions for the pilot to use morse, but pretty much impossible if he encounters flak and/or enemy fighters as would be expected for a long range recon aircraft.
In all of this you have provided no evidence whatsoever that the Fulmar's observers assisted in any way - just because Fulmars broke up the first attack doesn't mean that the extra eyeball Mk 1s of their observers were the sole reason, or a reason, for the slow flying Stukas being intercepted in time - what it does suggest is that had the Fulmars been single seat fighters with a better acceleration, top speed and rate of climb the Stukas could have been intercepted earlier and more damage could have been done to other raids - perhaps enough to stop even the one bomb hit.
Quote from Bartsch Doomed at the start: "Grashio had spotted the dive bombers (Ki-30 Anns) below him too. Recognizing them as easy meat, he got on the radio and sent a Morse code message to Sneed." (Bartsch doesn't say whether it was telegrapher's key or perhaps his mike button). He continues, "But when nothing happened, as the Dive Bombers were getting closer on their northwestward course, Grashio repeated his radio morse code call to Sneed and again pointed out the planes to Sneed." (Paper back, page 281)
This was a USAAF pilot in a heavily loaded P-40E, over brown water off the West coast of Bataan, probably not on autopilot and in the process of setting up and about to attack IJA dive bombers over Bataan moments later, all the while concerned about keeping an eye out for the omnipresent Ki-27 fighters. Radio code work isn't impossible from a single seat fighter even in somewhat difficult, distracting circumstances.
There's nothing in the Fulmar Pilot's Notes that requires an observer in the rear seat. If the RN thought that he did no good, they could simply leave him behind, but they didn't. Fulmars operating from shore bases, flying purely interception missions did sometimes leave the observer behind but this doesn't seem to have happened while operating from carriers.
I'm not sure if the quoted passage proves or disproves that a separate radio operator is beneficial, and I note that he is not under attack. It seems to me that the pilot he is attempting to contact might also have had other concerns on his mind, and that overall efficiency would improve if the pilot could order his observer to contact the other pilot's observer.
In the pre WW2 days radios were big and bulky and tuning them to acquire the desired frequency required a steady ear, time and patience so you had many aircraft having a dedicated radio operator as a standard crewmen. AFAIK most if not all aircraft radios during pre WW2 days were either LF or MF sets with a seperate tuner and transmitter and had no way to pre-tune channels, so you were tuning radios in the same manner as you would an old transistor or AM radio with an analog tuner.I can easily buy why the FAA went for the 2 seat fighter in 1937-40 before getting real experience in a shooting war. Continuing the policy in the middle of 1940 may or may not be harder to understand but once the Firefly suffered a number of delays somebody should have pulled the plug on the program before 1943-44. Or re-purposed the airframe and quit calling it a fighter.
Nobody has shown what the differences were in the radios between 1937/40 and 1943/44 but I am thinking there were some differences.
Apples and oranges and you're comparing aircraft generations apart - NFOs on A-6s and especially EA-6Bs (a four man crew) did waaaay more than operate radios.Conversation with a USN A-7 pilot transitioning to the multi-crew EA-6B, "I'd trade any NFO for 200 pounds of JP-5. (NFO's typically handle the radios)...
Apples and oranges and you're comparing aircraft generations apart - NFOs on A-6s and especially EA-6Bs (a four man crew) did waaaay more than operate radios.
Yes indeed, but I loved the story of this rather atavistic attitude of this soon to be EA-6B squadron commander toward 'Non-Flying Officers' (sic) and we did operate radios, but of course did not typically transmit in Morse. Morse was used strictly in the listening mode to identify TACAN and/or IIRC VOR stations although I may be mixing that (VOR ident) up with my private pilot experience, although I had learned Morse long before that (circa 1969). as I can't remember whether we had VOR capable gear.
I'm not sure if the quoted passage proves or disproves that a separate radio operator is beneficial, and I note that he is not under attack. It seems to me that the pilot he is attempting to contact might also have had other concerns on his mind, and that overall efficiency would improve if the pilot could order his observer to contact the other pilot's observer.
You may have made an (understandably) incorrect assumption about the situation described in the Bartsch's text. An observer in Sneed's aircraft might indeed have helped by threatening his pilot with bodily harm if he didn't attack the IJA Anns he clearly observed below him. Sneed was in the grip of an extended nervous breakdown which lead within a week to his relief from flying duties by flight surgeon's order. This was essentially his last 'combat' flight as he had clearly on this and other instances been forced to the conclusion that his war was over. Yes, Grashio wasn't under attack, but he was existing in an undernourished, sleep deprived state typically of the small cadre of overtaxed flyers fighting in defense of MacArthur's troops in the PI in late January of 1941. I would characterize that as a stress level few of us can imagine even compared to that experienced in combat. What you correctly imply is the lack of time available to an aircrew when under attack. That certainly is a factor absent in this case, although I'd submit that the time factor is present at some undetermined level in this particular situation.
Morse still used for navaid identification (VOR TACAN and NDB when found)
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