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Now now. No need to throw the toys out of the pram.With this in mind, I'm surprised the British government released the Blenheims, Hudsons and Buffaloes for Malaya. All three would have been better off serving in North Africa and the Med. If delivery was feasible, sixty operational Buffaloes along with nearly as many spares would have been very welcome and more impactful at Malta in early 1941. Perhaps HMS Formidable or Illustrious are not crippled by Axis bombers. Buffaloes will struggle against the Bf 109, but against Italian fighters, Stukas and twin/triple engine level bombers the Buffalo will do fine over Malta. The Blenheim fighter variant could have a turkey shoot against any unescorted Stukas.
As for Malaya, the Vilderbeests, Sharks and a trio of PBYs can be reinforced by a squadron of Gladiators. I'd then tell Percival upon his assignment in April 1941 that he's not getting any aircraft nor any significant naval support (forget Force Z), and that his army must destroy any airfields and prepare for a siege simultaneously from landward and seaward. When the Japanese took Singapore they apparently found tons of ready mix concrete in storage, intended but never used for defensive works. Hopefully with no RAF or RN assistance expected someone in Britain will send some light tanks, mortars, etc. as well as have a plan if the IJA invades to evacuate non-essential personnel.
I'd expect Australian PMs Menzies, Fadden and Curtin will refuse to send any Australian troops to Malaya with this level of neglect, so it's just Indians, Poms and Malays. Furthermore, with Malaya and Hong Kong along with the British Pacific territories (Solomons, etc.) at best lightly defended by Britain; Australia may refuse to send any troops to North Africa. They'll need those boys at home when the Japanese storm across the Pacific.
Another issue not so far mentioned was the War Office insisting on rates of pay for local workers far below the local rate for the job. Hence an inability to recruit the necessary labour to build airfields, defences etc.There's a lot to unpick here, not least the rather binary "all or nothing" approach you seem to advocate which is never a reality when there are competing priorities.
Your proposal to send nothing to Malaya means that the UK must abandon its attempts to deter Japanese aggression. That will only accelerate the onset of war in the Far East, which the UK was desperately keen to avoid. London was walking a tightrope between trying to provide adequate deterrence while not significantly impacting its ability to operate in current war theatres. That they failed does not mean that the policy was wrong, or even that the policy was badly applied.
Your comment about Percival is merging two distinct roles and responsibilities. Percival was GOC Malaya responsible for Army forces. Brooke-Popham was CinC Far East, theoretically responsible for the joint forces in the theatre although the RN maintained a separate chain of command for its assets (a key failing, IMHO).
As CinC Far East, Brooke-Popham was responsible for defence in that theatre. It was his job to evaluate the situation and request the forces he felt necessary to accomplish the tasks assigned to him by London. It was NEVER London's job to tell any theatre CinC how to do his business. The man on the ground understands best his local situation and has the professional knowledge to prepare his forces accordingly. Brooke-Popham developed a solid estimate of the required forces but London was only willing to achieve that force structure in mid-1942. No military command EVER has enough forces...they ALWAYS want more, so the typical approach is to muddle through with whatever forces you have on-hand, which is exactly what Brooke-Popham did.
As to "prepare for a siege simultaneously from landward and seaward," that's exactly the scenario that Percival and Brooke-Popham were striving to do. The problem is that the threat for either scenario simply wasn't there in April 1941. As E EwenS pointed out, there were relatively few Japanese forces in FIC before July 1941, certainly not enough to pose a threat to Malaya. Even after July 1941, there still wasn't a large invasion force in FIC. The actual invasion forces that assaulted Thailand and Northern Malaya in December 1941 came from Formosa. The lack of a clear and present threat led London to think they had more time to deliver the requested reinforcements for Far East Command. The Japanese simply moved faster than anyone expected, showing remarkable operational flexibility to accomplish a large-scale amphibious assault at a range never before seen in warfare.
None of the above suggests that the Brits got things right. There were many mistakes, not least inadequate preparation of landward defences. However, again London played a role in that. In 1941, Malaya's primary job was producing rubber and tin for the British war effort. That work was accomplished by commercial companies which had a loud voice in London dissuading the military from any actions that would hurt production (e.g. building defences in Malaya would be "demoralizing" for the civilians; conscripting locals would take them away from the tin mines and rubber plantations, reducing production of these war-critical commodities).
One of the common issues identified by Percival and Brooke-Popham was the lack of an adequate staff in the headquarters to organize and manage defensive preparations. This may seem like deflecting blame but I can tell you from personal experience that having a sufficiently-sized and qualified/experienced headquarters staff is crucial to getting ANYTHING done in the military. It's the headquarters that levies training requirements on subordinate units. If the headquarters staff is under-resourced or lacking in experience (both of which were true in Singapore), then you won't get adequate direction down to the units. This lack of HQ staff was another shortfall that could and should have been rectified sooner, indeed it was probably easier to fix that than bring in droves of additional aircraft, guns etc.
Another issue not so far mentioned was the War Office insisting on rates of pay for local workers far below the local rate for the job. Hence an inability to recruit the necessary labour to build airfields, defences etc.
And the terrain and general lack of infrastructure in the country were also factors hindering defensive preparations. There is an article here about the difficulties of setting up the radar network once the equipment began to show up in early 1941 which illustrate the problem. Malaya was not Britain. (Page 15 of the .pdf onwards)
In the early 1900s Britain was seeing an increasingly belligerent and powerful Germany. To counter this Britain partook the "all or nothing" approach of stripping its overseas bases of pretty much all battleships, cruisers and destroyers, leaving almost nothing of fighting value outside of the North Atlantic and Med. To accomplish this whilst keeping its Asian empire safe, Britain came to an agreement with Japan.There's a lot to unpick here, not least the rather binary "all or nothing" approach you seem to advocate which is never a reality when there are competing priorities.
That is not a fair characterisation of the aircrew in Malaya in 1941. It was a question of most being straight out of the training system. Best illustrated with the Buffalo units where all had been newly formed in theatre from March 1941.The planes weren't the main issue, it was the materiel flying them.
The Far East was seen as a backwoods posting in the RAF where people either went for the party scene, or you sent the piss poor pilots you couldn't find a use for at home.
There were exceptions, but the RAF in the Far East in 1941 was a very poor thing.
That ship sailed in 1921 with the ending of the Anglo Japanese Alliance and keeping the US onside at the Washington Conference. Hence the development of Singapore Naval Base.In the early 1900s Britain was seeing an increasingly belligerent and powerful Germany navy and army. To counter this Britain partook the "all or nothing" approach of stripping its overseas bases of pretty much all battleships, cruisers and destroyers, leaving almost nothing of fighting value outside of the North Atlantic and Med. To accomplish this whilst keeping its Asian empire safe, Britain came to an agreement with Japan.
This is where Britain failed to match up its diplomacy with its military capability. The "all or nothing" approach can work if you're smart about it. Britain should have come to an agreement with Japan once German-targeted rearmament was underway in Britain. Instead Britain continued to antagonize Japan through its support of US sanctions whilst simultaneously neglecting to prepare for the inevitable military response that antagonism will provoke. Australia recognized this, pressing Britain to recognize Manchukuo in 1937. If Britain was unable to defend the eastern empire then it must protect it diplomatically, or lose it.
Avoid war with Japan, and nothing more than a small garrison and distant naval repair and replenishment group is needed at Malaya.
OK, now aside from German units on Asian stations who were the British going to fight?In the early 1900s Britain was seeing an increasingly belligerent and powerful Germany navy and army. To counter this Britain partook the "all or nothing" approach of stripping its overseas bases of pretty much all battleships, cruisers and destroyers, leaving almost nothing of fighting value outside of the North Atlantic and Med. To accomplish this whilst keeping its Asian empire safe, Britain came to an agreement with Japan.
In the early 1900s Britain was seeing an increasingly belligerent and powerful Germany. To counter this Britain partook the "all or nothing" approach of stripping its overseas bases of pretty much all battleships, cruisers and destroyers, leaving almost nothing of fighting value outside of the North Atlantic and Med. To accomplish this whilst keeping its Asian empire safe, Britain came to an agreement with Japan.
This is where Britain failed to match up its diplomacy with its military capability. The "all or nothing" approach can work if you're smart about it. Britain should have come to an agreement with Japan once German-targeted rearmament was underway in Britain. Instead Britain continued to antagonize Japan through its support of US sanctions whilst simultaneously neglecting to prepare for the inevitable military response that antagonism will provoke. Australia recognized this, pressing Britain to recognize Manchukuo in 1937. If Britain was unable to defend the eastern empire then it must protect it diplomatically, or lose it.
Avoid war with Japan, and nothing more than a small garrison and distant naval repair and replenishment group is needed at Malaya.
The planes weren't the main issue, it was the materiel flying them.
The Far East was seen as a backwoods posting in the RAF where people either went for the party scene, or you sent the piss poor pilots you couldn't find a use for at home.
There were exceptions, but the RAF in the Far East in 1941 was a very poor thing.
Not fair to the pilots, but I can't help but think it was a posting for administrative near-retirees and deadwood. Here's Malaya Command's esteemed general officers. Only Heath seems worthy.The Far East was seen as a backwoods posting in the RAF where people either went for the party scene, or you sent the piss poor pilots you couldn't find a use for at home.
Not fair to the pilots, but I can't help but think it was a posting for administrative near-retirees and deadwood. Here's Malaya Command's esteemed general officers. Only Heath seems worthy.
Has there ever been a collection of more inexperienced, incapable and aged commanders put in charge of such a critically important territory? Malaya produced most of the British Empire's rubber and tin, it was not a backwater for trainees and has-beens.
- CNC Malaya Command, Lt-Gen. Percival - no combat experience, only home guard and admin work
- Indian III Corps, Lt-Gen. Heath - some combat experience against the Italians, commanded the 5th Indian Division in the Sudan, forced the surrender of the garrison at Massawa in Jan 41.
- Australian 8th Division, Maj-Gen. Bennett - no combat since France, March 1916. Only home guard work since then, until arriving in Malaya in Feb 1941.
- Fortress Singapore, Maj-Gen. Simmons - no combat since France, WW1. A seemingly useless fool, IMO, "An ardent supporter of the concept that defence construction was detrimental to troop morale"
- Malaya Command Reserve, Brig. Paris - no combat since France, WW1, per wiki, "one of the few British commanders that put up a good fight against the Japanese"
- Sarawak Force (SARFOR), Lt-Col. Malet Lane - recently promoted, no apparent combat experience
- RAF Malaya, Air Vice Marshal Conway Pulford, no combat experience. Was commander of No. 26 Training Group RAF until deployment to Malaya in 1941.
- RN Far East, Vice Admiral Phillips. No command combat experience. Was chief of staff at RN HQ in London. Force Z was Phillip's first command.
If we're going to rightfully prioritize aircraft, etc. to combat threatres then at least give Malaya some good commanders.
Given that he was only commissioned into the Indian Army in Aug 1918 he missed out on WW1 service. But he seems to have had a decent record on the NW frontier between the wars earning an MC.
- Sarawak Force (SARFOR), Lt-Col. Malet Lane - recently promoted, no apparent combat experience
His WW1 career seems to lack detail on the internet. We do know that he served on destroyers in the Med and Far East. However he only achieved the rank of Lt Commander in July 1916. Only at that point might he have been given his own ship to gain "command combat experience".
- RN Far East, Vice Admiral Phillips. No command combat experience. Was chief of staff at RN HQ in London. Force Z was Phillip's first command.
Fair points, and I'd forgotten Percival's combat record. I wonder how Monty would have done had he arrived in April 1941. Perhaps, as suggested by the thread, not much better. Had be arrived in April 1940, maybe well.Combat experience is not necessarily a good indicator of a general's ability to lead and win on the battlefield. Look at Montgomery who had zero combat experience after WW1 (barring suppression of an Arab revolt in Palestine which wasn't actual combat) until May 1940, where he was a division commander.
His WW1 career seems to lack detail on the internet. We do know that he served on destroyers in the Med and Far East. However he only achieved the rank of Lt Commander in July 1916. Only at that point might he have been given his own ship to gain "command combat experience".
He did go on to have a number of seagoing commands between the wars. During that period the RN had a glut of officers at the rank of Lt Commander / Commander so promotions were slow and competition fierce. Yet his career continued to move forward.
The Admiralty were not exactly known for promoting officers without the necessary skills.
Fair points, and I'd forgotten Percival's combat record. I wonder how Monty would have done had he arrived in April 1941. Perhaps, as suggested by the thread, not much better. Had be arrived in April 1940, maybe well.
I suppose examples like Strasbourg, Scharnhorst, Bismarck and Veneto could influence that thinking.Re Phillips, I think the most apt criticism is that he was an arrogant mariner. He genuinely believed that a well-handled capital warship in the open ocean could survive against air attack.