KrazyKraut
Banned
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- Apr 21, 2008
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Except you a) blatantly "forgot" a few types, b) arbitrarily designate German fighters as "new" which are no more or less so than several Allied developments which you of course chose to see as "one" and c) try to cover up the indifference by including ItalyB][/B]
Once the allies wereat war (and not just britain alone), the allies did not produce new or additional fighters. Lets have a brief look at the main types for SE Fighters
First Flights
Hurricane I 11.35
Hurricane II: 6.40 (same basic airframe and engine...evolutionary development, no great dislocation to production)
Spitfire: 6.36, progressive improvements to airframe, armament and engine until MkXII
Spitfire (griffon Engine) Active in 1944 (major redesign of airframe and engine)
Typhoon: 10.39, Not operational until 5.41
Tempest: 9.42. A new design, to take advantage of the new Centaurus engine, for which development had begun pre-war
In the case of the british, therefore, ther were two designs that could be considered as "new" after the entry of the US. The Griffon engined Spits still made use of the spitfire airframe, and so was not a complete redesign. The Tempest, was a complete new design but was taking advantage of existing last generation engine technology.
Then of course ther was the meteor, which was a complete new design, but undertstandable due to its revolutionary nature.
Then there are the Americans
The main types that enterd, or were in production were
Hawk series, P-36, p-40,
Bell P-39
P-47
P-51
All of these airframes were developed prior to the entry of the US to the war
Then there were the carrier types,
F4F
F6F
F4U
Bearcat
The bearcat was a new development, the hellcat, and the F4U were both developed substantially pre-war
Now we need to look at the Axis and the new designs that were introduced
I believe the following were in production, or substantially under development pre-war
Me 109, FW 190, CR 32, CR 42, MC 200, G-050
I consider the following types to be wartime new designs
FW 190D, Ta 152, Do 335, Me 109K, Me 262, He 162, G-55, MC202, RE 2005
So comparing the two principal European Axis, to the two principal European Allies, the and disregarding the carier types (which were mainly for the pacific), one arrives at 6 allied types of pre-war vintage, to 6 Axis
In terms of the post US entry types, I would concede 6 main types introduced by the allies to at least 9 by the european axis, all of which, incidentally were used by the germans
Moreover, the allies had the economic muscle to afford this kind of diversity, whereas the Axis did not
So the short answer is that the allied fighter development was done on a much less lavish scale than that of the axis, and where possible tried to to use pre-existing technology. The great many marks and line changes, whilst disruptive to production, were not nearly so bad as the introduction of a whole new type
but at least some ex fighter pilots suspected that it would become difficult to control if one made harsh combat manouevres.
Juha
Again the problems with the He-162 were caused because of a lack of proper materials Bill.
So you are saying a different rudder was not designed and installed, that the airplane did not have a serious dutch roll that they tried to fix by changinging the static margin and droop tips?
The wing design issue was solved with the droop tips as a quick fix, had there been enough time an increase in dihedral would've been made instead but the droop tips fixed the problem nonetheless.
Any fix, post production designe release, necessary to place the aircraft in operations is a 'development issue' - why would you argue that
In short the wing is the only thing which recieved a minor modification vs the original design blueprints, all other problems were caused by shortages in the right materials.
So, there was no modification to the tail prior to operations?
As for the glue, this was solved as-well with a new mix.
So, future aircraft using new glue went into operations, what about the earlier aircraft. Were they discarded? Would that be a development problem?
Now regarding the Me-262, around 100 were destroyed by Allied a/c true, but not all in the air. And as for the LW claims, well they were undoubtedly higher, the 509 figure is confirmed kills as far as I can tell. But Erich knows more about this so he's the man to ask.
The contention of 'award to actual loss' will always be a mystery but the 8th AF records are better than the LW records in this regard for both awards and losses.
The 105 awards is an actual count of the air to air claims (more than 105)reduced to awards, but there were far more destroyed on the ground. The 355th had 18 on one mission in 1944.
I am also fully aware than many burning Me 262s in combat film were in reality repaired so I won't dive down a rathole on what the count actually was in either category.
As Joe B. has mentioned, and I agree, getting grips on actual award/losses is very difficult. In just my research on April 24, 1944 and November 26, 1944 the LW awards for both bombers and fighter categories were 2x actaul losses of 8th AF for those days.. ditto May 12 - so it raised many question in my own mind about LW claim/award processes when they had the easiest job of all for most claims - go look and see what you find 'there'... as the wreckage of everything but an atomized aircraft should leave a trace.
I know now that many aircraft claimed by US fighters as 'destroyed' following a crash landing under fire was actually and frequently not in the LW rolls as destroyed if it was assessed as 60% for an example and later repaired.
The RAF , even with this equipment that you are so disdainful of, was achieving shoot down rates of more than 4:1 by early 1944, and more than 6:1 by the end of the year, in fighter versus fighter engagements.
The allies as a whole realized that more than anything, the air war was a war of numbers. They maintained some high quality units, and equipment, but at the end of the day, the allies realized that they needed the numbers more than anything.
new technology is a "nice to have" advantage, but at the end of the day it s the number of aircraft that you can consistently put into the air that counts the most. The allies realized this. They also realized they needed to maintain quality, and did this as well.
The German sortie rate was abysmal in comparison to the allied. At the beginning of 1944, a P-51, for example, was flying four times the number of missions daily to that being achieved by the Germans.
Most of the time, the Germans fighters were on the ground, unable to fly. In early 1944, this was not due to fuel. This came later.
Whereas the Allied were achieving operational readiness rates of better than 80% most of the time, German operation rates of less than 50%. Stop sprouting bull crap to support your arguments. I will spot it from a mile away
Except you a) blatantly "forgot" a few types
Claims were about as overblown by both sides, that's why the confirmation procedure was there, and the LW had the strictest here. It sometimes took up to a year for a kill to be confirmed, a pretty long wait...
Btw, any new progress with the spreadsheets Bill ?
I don't have any conclusions but would not be surprised that pilot availability was one of the root causes - not parts.
I see this thread has gone absolutelybonkas, now that we are questioning German competency.
I agree with the above statement to the extent that the major limiter was pilots, followed later in 1944, by fuel shortages. However I do have sources to back up my claim about spares.
"Strategy For Defeat: The Luftwaffe 1933-45" Professor Williason Murray, Air University Press (University Of Ohio), 1983, Page 14
Goring's and Hitlers fascination with numbers also served to distort the maintenance and supply problem. The number of aero engines held in reserve never exceeded 4-5% of total production. The reason for this situation was Goring's refusal to follow recommendations made repeatedly by OKLto devote at least 20-30% of production to spare parts, to provide adequate inventories (of spares). Instead the Germans assigned production almost exclusively to first line strength, because the outlook of the top leadership was a fascination with numbers, and not serviceability. This practice continued throughout the war. as a result the Luftwaffe was chronically short of spare parts, with a significant and direct negative impact on readiness rates.
Joel Haywards book reinforces this point of view. He points out that whilst readiness rates might be high at the beginning of a campaign, that serviceability fell away very rapidly in any sort of sustained operation. This was because there were just not the spares available to keep the air fleets at a high state of readiness for long. The reports from JG53 indicate that at the beginning of 1944, more 20 of its aircraft were unavailable due to "servicing difficulties" or "technical faults" So, I believe there is clear evidence to support the claim that the Luftwaffe mismanaged its logistic tail by failing to build or maintain an adequate inventory of spare parts.
If Dr Price is to be believed, he has the following for May, 1944 for LuftFlotte Reich
Unit Total Serviceable
JG1 135 58
JG3 144 44
JG5 87 72
JG11 101 55
JG27 118 86
JG53 31 14
JG 54 23 8
JG300 90 67
JG301 25 21
JG302 27 11
JG400 10 0
JG104 4 4
JG 106 5 3
JG 108 12 6
---- ----
782 449
According to Dr Price the 'serviceable to available' S/E day fighter ratio was 57%... the NJG totals were 807 and 374 respectively for 46% operational availability on 31 May, 1944 for LuftFlotte Reich Fighter strength.
I don't have any conclusings but would not be suprised that pilot availability was one of the root causes - not parts.
Murray is only considered one of the foremost experts in the world on the Luftwaffe
He is supported by Hayward in his work, "The Luftwaffe and Hitlers defeat in the East", in which he also shows the The Luftwaffe as having a problem with logistics.
Hayward reports that the operational readiness rate for the Luftwaffe reached a peak in June 1942, on the southern front, of 70%, but this had plunged to less than 31% by the time of Stalingrad. By March it had staged a partial recovery to 45%, and some further improvement again by the time of Kursk (IIRC it had climbed to something over 50%),
From there on, the readiness rate continued to drop, until by the end of the war, almost the entire Luftwaffe on the Eastern Front had become non-operational (not due to spares, mostly to the fuel situation by then).
Ellis reports that by the end of June 1941, the readiness rate of the frontline aircraft had fallen to about 1000 A/C, or around 44%
Finally there are some interviews of actual veterans, the following of which is an example
The interview has been made possible by the kind assistance and enthusiasm of his son, Uwe Wiedemann, who relayed my questions to his father and conducted the actual interview.
The subject, Hans Wiedemann, served in the Luftwaffe, primarily with 4./ Ln.Rgt. Afrika, III./Stuka Geschw. 3 and Stab StG3. He also served for a time with Stuka Geschwader 2.
[...]
- Was the supply of fuel and spare parts a major problem?
- Supply of spare parts and fuel really was a major problem!
Producing whole units instead of producing adequate spares...
is a most innefficient way of maintaining readiness. aircraft, like any complex machine, will have certain pieces of equipment that fail more regularly than others. usually these areas of systemic failure will occur in the engine. Producing an entire airframe, so that you can have a spare engine is a most innefficient way of repairing an airframe. The best and most production efficient way to manage this problem is to maintain a relatively high reserve of engines (so as to return the airframe to service quickly), and then further, to maintain a higher than average stock of engine parts that are shown the most likley to fail. Say, for example the crankshafts are shown to need replacement after say 50 hours, but that the average engine life is 500 hours. It would make sense to produce 10 crankshafts for every one engine, rather than produce 10 separate engines, or worse, produce 10 complete airframes , just so the crankshaft can be replaced every 50 hours. Effectively, under the latter scenario, you will have 10 airframes sitting around, doing nothing, in order to keep just one airframe flying.
That is hardly good management, and very likely to lead to a low operational readiness rate.
And yet, this is precisely how the Luftwaffe was managed throughout most of the war.
Are all of these people unreliable as well???
Hello Kurfürst
there is one significant omission in Your analyse, the SGs, which were very significant user of FW 190s and in May 44 LW had something like 1050 serviceable sinle-engined fighters and some 550 serviceable ground-attack planes, almost all of the latter were FW 190s.
Juha